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LIFE AND SPEECHES 
OF 

WILLI m SULZE* 

in 



txvy 
JAN 3 



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W\ ARE YOU 




PATRIOT? 




ex-Go.'. WM. SULZE.R 



Watchman, What o f the Night? 

ISSUED BY 

The Patriotic Societies, 

Broadway Central Hotel, 
675 Broadway, New York City. 








WARHMAN, WHAT III M NK.III ! 



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I hi PATRIOT* SOI il'.riKS. 

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2*20-10 

WITHDRAWN 



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FORMER GOVERNOR WM. SULZER 

A Short Sketch of the Man Who Does 

Things 

By Julius Chambers, F.R.G.S. 

(Formerly Managing Editor of the N. Y. 
Herald.) 

Reprinted from 
"PROMINENT MEN IN NEW YORK." 

_ A man who does things, and who has dis- 
tinguished himself in straight law, and clean 
politics, is former Governor Wm. Sulzer — 
lawyer, lecturer, legislator, and liberal- 
minded statesman. 

Mr. Sulzer was born in Elizabeth, N. J., 
on March 18, 1863, of German and Scotch- 
Irish parentage. His father was a farmer 
near Elizabeth, and William was educated 
in the country school, and later for the law 
at Columbia College. 

His parents were strict Presbyterians, 
and intended their son for the ministry; but 
he preferred the law, and was duly admitted 
to the bar on attaining his majority in 1884. 
He soon became recognized as a sound law- 
yer, and an eloquent public speaker. He has 
taken an active part in every political cam- 
paign, and has been prominent in public life, 
since 1884. His success in law has only been 
equalled by his prominence in' politics. He 
was elected to the New York Assembly in 

1889, and re-elected for five years. He made 
a splendid record for usefulness to the State 
at Albany. No one ever questioned his hon- 
esty, his sincerity, or his capability. He 
served with distinction in the sessions of 

1890, 1891, 1892, 1893, and 1894. 



. 












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Whitney, the chairman of the Xe.v York 
delegation, declined to support Bryan and 
counselled the New York delegation to bolt. 
Mr. Sulzer refused to be led out of the 
convention hall, and stood alone in his sup- 
port of Mr. Bryan. Mr. Sulzer prevented 
the New York delegation from bolting, and 
kept the Democrats from New York regu- 
lar. He explained to me at the time that 
he liked Bryan, and that there were so many 
good things in the platform that he decided 
to keep the Party regular. This was an 
act of great courage, for the New Yorkers 
were then bitterly hostile to Bryan. 

Some people have asserted, and many 
have assumed, that Mr. Sulzer has been a 
Tammany man. This is not true. He never 
was a Tammany man; but, on the contrary, 
from his first entrance into politics, he 
has always fought Tammany — and all Tam- 
many stands for — the Spoils system and the 
Graft system. Tammany always was hos- 
tile to Mr. Sulzer's political ambitions, but 
Mr. Sulzer always won, as an Independent 
Democrat, because the people, regardless 
of politics, were loyal to him, and he was 
loyal to the people. 

Mr. Sulzer served on several important 
committees in the House of Representa- 
tives. Just as soon as his party gained con- 
trol there, his colleagues made him chair- 
man of the important and responsible Com- 
mittee on Foreign Affairs, and he at once 
made good as a diplomat by keeping the 
Country out of war with Mexico; by reor- 
ganizing the Diplomatic and Consular Serv- 
ice, placing the latter on the merit-svstem; 
and aiding the establishment of the Repub- 
lic of China. He is widely read; is consid- 
ered a fine international lawyer; and has 
demonstrated great ability along legislative, 
executive, and diplomatic lines. 






■ 






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was quickly disproved; nevertheless the 
marionettes in the Court of the Bosses were 
"ordered" to oust the Governor, because, 
they said, his campaign statement of elec- 
tion expenses was irregular, notwithstand- 
ing that it was shown to be in accordance 
with the law. 

The constitution and laws of New York 
declare the Governor can only be removed 
"for wilful and corrupt misconduct in of- 
fice." The conspirators in the "Murphy 
Court of Infamy" removed the Governor on 
a flimsy charge of something he is alleged 
to have omitted to do long prior to his 
inauguration — and even this charge was 
shown to be absolutely false. 

Mr. Sulzer is the first man in the history 
of the world to be removed from a great 
elective office by a "Packed Star Chamber 
Political Court" for an alleged trivial dere- 
liction committed, or omitted, before he 
took office. The illegality and the absurdity 
of the Murphy proceeding must be as appar- 
ent to the layman as it is to the lawyer. 
The so-called Quack trial was a travesty 
on Justice. 

The truth of the matter is that the Gov- 
ernor refused to be bossed; worked for the 
people instead of Invisible Government; 
could not be bought or bullied; and had set 
in motion the machinery of justice to send 
political grafters to prison. As one of the 
bosses put it after the trial: "We had to 
put him out or he would put us in" — mean- 
ing that if the bosses did not remove the 
Governor, the Governor would send them 
to prison for robbing the taxpayers. 

Just so soon as the Governor was re- 
moved, in the latter part of October, 1913, 
the people re-elected him to the Legisla- 
ture, on an independent ticket, by a major- 
ity of 5 to 1 against all other candidates. 



greatest Progressive in America — and his 
record proves it. He has always been a 
quarter of a century ahead of the times. He 
is popular with all sorts and conditions of 
people because of his inherent honesty, his 
generosity, and his affable manners and sun- 
shiny disposition. No wonder he is so suc- 
cessful as a vote-getter, and that his loyal 
followers call him "Plain Bill" — and the 
"Friend of Man" — and that they love him 
for the enemies he has made. 

Governor Sulzer is a "Commoner" 
through and through. The more you know 
him, the more you see of him, the more 
you study him at close range — the more 
you like him, and the more you appre- 
ciate what he has done, and glory in his 
trials and his triumphs. He needs no de- 
fense. His record is as clean as a hound's 
tooth. His career of struggle for higher 
and better things, from a poor farm boy to 
the Governorship of the greatest State in 
the Union, is an epic poem. 

Mr. Sulzer is of large stature, standing 
over six feet in height, with a weight of 
185 pounds, which he carries with the grace 
of a trained athlete. He is abstemious; has 
sandy hair, and steel blue eyes that look 
straight into yours and read your inner- 
most thoughts. During the war with Spain 
he organized a regiment of volunteers and 
was elected colonel, but for political reasons 
it was not called into active service. 

Mr. Sulzer has been an extensive travel- 
ler, and has seen much of the World. In 
1908 he married Miss Clara Roedelheim, of 
Philadelphia, and they live in the Old Home, 
of the late General "Joe" Hooker, the cor- 
ner of Fifth avenue and Ninth street, in 
the heart of the Governor's Old Congres- 
sional District, New York City. 

The Governor is a 32d degree Mason, has 






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WHY WK ARE KOK SULZi 

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and wr 

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MR. SULZER'S BRILLIANT RECORD 

OF ACCOMPLISHMENT IN 

THE LEGISLATURE OF 

THE STATE OF 

NEW YORK. 

The record of Mr. Sulzer in the Legisla- 
ture at Albany proves that William Sulzer: 
L Was the author of, and wrote on the 
statute books of the State of New York, 
the law for the Women's Reformatory. 

2. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
statute books of the State of New York, 
the law for the State care of the insane 
— one of the great reformatory meas- 
ures of recent times, which has been 
substantially copied by nearly every 
State in the Union. 

3. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
statute books of the State of New York, 
the law abolishing sweat shops. 

4. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
statute books of the State of New York, 
the law for free lectures for working- 
men and working women. 

5. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
statute books of the State of New York, 
the law finally abolishing imprisonment 
for debt. 

6. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
statute books of the State of New York, 
the Ballot Reform law. 

7. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
statute books of the State of New York, 
the law to limit the hours of labor. 

8. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
statute books of the State of New York, 
the law to open Stuyvesant Park to the 
people. 

9. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
statute books of the State of New York, 

11 



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statute book 

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i9. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
statute books of the State of New York, 
the law for Bronx and Van Cortlandt 
Parks. 

20. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
statute books of the State of New York, 
the law for the New York City Free 
Public Library. 

21. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
statute books of the State of New York, 
the law to compel the New York Cen- 
tral Railroad Co. to light and ventilate 
the Fourth Avenue tunnel; and many 
other progressive measures of far- 
reaching importance to all the people 
of the State of New York. 



The people will never forget Governor 
Sulzer; and they will not forget that the 
power that removed him might be used to 
remove another Sulzer — who dared to be 
free — who dared to be honest. That power 
is the power of the Boss — and the Boss 
system must be destroyed. 
— From editorial in the Knickerbocker 

Press, Oct. 20, 1913. 



13 



THE CONSTRUCTIVE RECORD OF 

MR. SULZER'S EIGHTEEN 

YEARS IN CONGRESS. 

The Congressional Record tells the story 
of Mr. Sulzer's work in Congress" for eight- 
een years, and proves that Wm. Sulzer: 

1. Is the author of, and wrote on the 
statute books, the law for the Bureau 
of Corporations, through the agency of 
which the anti-trust laws are enforced. 

2. Is the author of, and wrote on the 
statute books, the law increasing the 
pay of the letter carriers of the coun- 
try. 

3. Is the author of, and wrote on the 
statute books, the resolution of sym- 
pathy for the Cuban patriots. 

4. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
ute books, the resolution of sympathy 
for the heroic Boers in their struggle 
to maintain their independence. 

5. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
ute books, the resolution of sympathy 
for the oppressed Jews in Russia, and 
protesting against their murder by the 
Russian government. 

6. Is the author of the bill to make Lin- 
coln's birthday a legal holiday. 

7. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
ute books, the law to abrogate the 
treaty with Russia because that govern- 
ment refused to recognize Jewish- 
American passports. 

8. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
ute books, the pension law for the or- 
phans and widows of the deceased sol- 
diers and sailors who saved the Union. 

9. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
ute books, the law to elect United States 
Senators by direct vote of the people. 

10. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 

14 



ute books, the law to restore the Amer- 
ican merchant marine, by preferential 
duties along the lines of the early nav- 
igation laws of the country. 

11. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
ute books, the law to construct national 
good roads. 

12. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
ute books, the law to raise the wreck of 
the "Maine." 

13. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
ute books, the law to light the Statue 
of Liberty. 

14. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
ute books, the law to create the "De- 
partment of Labor," with a Secretary 
having a seat in the Cabinet. 

15. Is the author of the amendment to the 
Constitution for the income tax. 

16. Is the author of the law for postal sav- 
ings banks, and a general parcels post. 

17. Is the author of the law to increase the 
pension of the volunteer soldiers and 
sailors who saved the Union. 

18. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
ute books, the new copyright law. 

19. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
ute books, the resolution congratulating 
the people of China on the establish- 
ment of a Republic. 

20. As the Chairman of the Committee on 
Foreign Affairs, in Congress, he reor- 
ganized the Diplomatic and Consular 
Service, and placed the latter on the 
merit system; kept the Country out of 
war in Mexico; aided the establishment 
of the Republic of China; and initiated, 
and wrote on the statute books, the 
law to acquire homes, for our Diplo- 
mats, in Foreign Countries, so that a 
poor man, as well as a rich man, can 

15 



represent the United States in Foreign 
Lands. 
21. Is the author of the law to prevent any 
ship sailing from ports of the United 
States unless equipped with every de- 
vice for saving life; and many other 
useful measures in the interests of all 
the people of the country. 



"The Friends of Good Government 
are with you. I have yet to meet a 
person who believes, or even pretends 
fo believe, that a single honest motive 
has animated the proceedings of your 
antagonists." — Letter of Col. Roose- 
velt to Governor Sulzer. 



"I have refused to compromise with 
the tempters ; and the enemies of the peo- 
ple ; and have resolved to go forward 
with the work I am doing for decent 
citizenship and honest government — 
come weal or woe." — Answer of Gov- 
ernor Sulzer to Col. Roosevelt. 



16 



WHAT MR. SULZER DID AS GOV- 
ERNOR. 

1. Proclaimed early in his administration 
that his election made him the Gov- 
ernor, and not Murphy, and invited 
anyone who challenged his title to the 
office to come out in the open and 
fight. 

2. Vetoed the iniquitous Blauvelt bill, on 
the ground that it did not carry out the 
pledges of the Democratic platform, 
and insisted on the enactment of a 

thorough-going direct nomination law. 
Spoke to great audiences all over the 
State denouncing the bosses for block- 
ing primary and other reforms. 

3. Called the Legislature in extraordinary 
session to enact a genuine direct pri- 
mary law. 

4. Appointed commissioners to investigate 
frauds in various departments. Ob- 
tained proofs of graft in the State 
capitol, and promptly removed every 
guilty official. 

5. Gigantic frauds in contracts for high- 
ways discovered, resulting in indict- 
ments and convictions of Tammany 
men who had conspired to plunder the 
State of millions of dollars. 

6. Began investigation of frauds of canal 
construction, and reorganized the va- 
rious departments of the State on a 
scientific basis, to eliminate typical 
Tammany methods in public office. 

7. Caused the reorganization of the De- 
partment of Labor, with provisions 
meant to better the conditions of labor 
throughout the State, to conserve the 
health, and protect the lives of workers. 

8. Appointed a sanitary commission, the 
result of which was a law reorganizing 

17 



the State Health Department and mak- 
ing it possible to substitute up-to-date 
scientific methods for an archaic 
system. 
9. Vetoed over $8,000,000 appropriations, 
and cut off all the bipartisan graft in 
the State printing contracts, and the 
padding of payrolls for the support of 
an army of Tammany taxeaters. 

10. Investigated the State prisons, found 
shocking conditions and political cor- 
ruption; obtained indictments; re- 
moved the Superintendent of Prisons; 
and proved the conditions at Sing 
Sing were so horrible that the Legis- 
lature was compelled to order the 
building of a new penitentiary. Ap- 
pointed a new Prison Commission, and 
made Thomas Mott Osborne its Chair- 
man. 

11. Prepared and caused the passage of 
the Stock Exchange bills, to make 
Wall Street do business honestly. 

12. Demanded the resignation of Senator 
Stillwell, upon proof that he had de- 
manded a bribe for his influence in fa- 
vor of a bill, and brought about his 
trial and conviction after the Tammany 
Legislature had whitewashed the guilty 
legislator. 

13. Refused Murphy's demands for the ap- 
pointment of James E. Gaffney, Mur- 
phy's contracting partner, to be com- 
missioner of highways, in charge of the 
expenditure of $50,000,000. 

14. Declined to appoint Murphy's commis- 
sioner of labor. Appointed John 
Mitchell the Labor Commissioner; and 
rejected Boss Murphy's recommendations 
of other Tammany favorites for import- 
ant State and judicial offices. 

18 



15. Took advice about appointments from 
distinguished citizens, and leading mem- 
bers of their profession, instead of from 
the Bosses. 

16. Wrote a genuine workingman's com- 
pensation law devised for the benefit 
of workingmen. 

17. Wrote upon the statute books the full- 
crew law. Appointed a railway man, 
Mr. Chase, a member of the Public 
Service Commission. 

18. Wrote upon the statute books the Civil 
Rights law. 

19. Wrote upon the statute books the law 
for a Negro Regiment, and ordered it 
mustered into service. 

20. Vetoed the infamous McKee Public 
School bills. 

21. Vetoed the absurd and unjust Tammany 
constitutional convention bill. 

22. Vetoed over $8,000,000 of unnecessary 
appropriations — most of which was 
graft. 

23. Invoked the machinery of justice to rid 
the State of grafters. 

24. Wrote upon the statute books an up- 
to-date and scientific home rule law for 
cities. 

25. Saved the taxpayers more money in less 
time than any other Governor in the 
history of the State. 

26. Refused to compromise, between Right 
and Wrong, with Murphy; the rail- 
roads; the grafters; Wall Street; the 
Plunderbund; and Invisible Govern- 
ment. 

27. Fought consistently for decent citizen- 
ship; civic righteousness; and honest 
government. 

19 



28. Wrote on the statute books the amend- 
ment for woman suffrage. 

29. Pardoned Brandt, a Swedish boy, sent 
to prison for forty years, without a 
trial, and for a trifling offense. 

30. Demanded the repeal of the Long 
Sault Water Power charter, and suc- 
ceeded in restoring to the people one 
of the greatest natural resources in the 
State. 

31. Said he would rather be right than be 
Governor; that he would rather have 
his own self-respect than any office in 
the State. 



"No one better than I knows that had 
the Governor agreed not to execute his oath 
of office he would be unchallenged in his 
place as the executive, no matter what other 
bitterness might be displayed against his 
independence of boss control. His inflexi- 
ble determination to go after all the looters 
and his purpose to begin with the indict- 
ment of Bart Dunn, a member of the State 
Committee from Tammany Hall, ended all 
relations. Then the savagery of removal 
from office took life in the Delmonico con- 
ference held by Charles F. Murphy. 'It's 
his life, or ours,' was the way Murphy put 
it." — From the report of Commissioner Jno. 
A. Hennessy. 



20 



GOVERNOR SULZER DID NO WRONG 
—HE WAS OUSTED BECAUSE HE 
COULD NOT BE BOSSED OR 
BOUGHT — BECAUSE HE 
WAS LOYAL TO THE 
PUBLIC. 
(Reprinted from editorial in the "Inde- 
pendent," November 1, 1913.) 

Wm. Sulzer needs no eulogy. His place 
in history is secure. He will live in the 
hearts of his countrymen for the good he 
did, and the things he dared to do. He 
showed how to be a patriot. He wrote a 
large chapter in the annals of New York, 
as one of her most honest, one of her most 
fearless, and one of her most independent 
Executives. He will live in the history of 
the Commonwealth as one of her greatest 
reformers. He did things. He showed 
great moral courage. He was his own 
master. He never was afraid. 

No Boss could control Wm. Sulzer. No 
Plutocrat could buy him. From first to last 
he was loyal to the public. During the 
time he was Governor he made a remarkable 
record — a record which has become a part 
of our glorious history — and nothing his 
enemies say can detract from his brilliant 
accomplishments as a statesman. 

Wm. Sulzer will live in the hearts of de- 
cent citizens. As a patriot he will rank with 
Lincoln. As a statesman he will stand with 
Wright. As a reformer he will be compared 
with Tilden. Besides, Sulzer had only be- 
gun his work of reform. He was only on 
the threshold of his efforts for honest gov- 
ernment when he was removed from office 
by the foulest political conspiracy in the 
annals of American history. However, the 

21 



results of Mr. Sulzer's work, as Governor, 
will live in the affairs of New York, and 
the resultant benefits will be felt by the 
people for generations yet to come. 

When the future historian comes to faith- 
fully and impartially write the story of what 
Governor Sulzer did, and of his illegal trial, 
and unconstitutional removal from office, he 
will give as the real reasons for that infa- 
mous act the following, viz.: 

First: Mr. Sulzer's persistent efforts to 
secure the enactment of the Full Crew legis- 
lation to conserve human life on the rail- 
roads. 

Second: Mr. Sulzer's persistent efforts to 
secure the enactment of the laws he recom- 
mended to compel honest dealings on the 
New York Stock Exchange. 

Third: Mr. Sulzer's dogged refusal to ap- 
prove the iniquitous McKee Public School 
Bills which would give control of our free 
public schools to an alien political-religious 
hierarchy. 

Fourth: Mr. Sulzer's successful efforts to 
secure the repeal of the notorious charter 
of the Long Sault Development Company, 
by which the State of New York received 
back its greatest water power and the most 
valuable of its natural resources. 

Fifth: Mr. Sulzer's defiance of the bosses 
— big and little — and his heroic fight for 
honest and genuine direct primaries. 

Sixth: Mr. Sulzer's determined refusal 
to be a proxy Governor — a rubber stamp — 
like Dix and Glynn — for Charles F. Mur- 
phy. 

Seventh: Mr. Sulzer's absolute refusal to 
do what the Bosses demanded regarding 
legislation and appointments, and his blunt 
refusal to call off prosecutions, and stop in- 
vestigations, which were being made under 

22 



hi; direction to uncover fraud and expose 
graft in the State Departments. 

Eighth: Mr. Sulzer's moral courage, in 
the performance of public duty, wherein he 
insisted on the trial and punishment of 
Senator Stillwell for extortion. The fight 
Mr. Sulzer made to bring Stillwell to jus- 
tice arrayed against the Governor the bit- 
ter and secret hatred of all the Bosses, and 
every crook in the Legislature. 

Ninth: Mr. Sulzer's determination to set 
in motion the machinery of the law, in vari- 
ous counties of the State, to indict the 
grafters and bring them to justice. 

To the impartial investigator who will 
take the time to go over the record, and 
familiarize himself with the real facts, it will 
be apparent that these were the true reasons 
why Mr. Sulzer was removed from the office 
of Governor of the State of New York. 

As Chief Judge Cullen said: "Governor 
Sulzer has done no wrong. His removal 
from office is anarchy." 



"The unseen government is doomed. In- 
visible government has had its day. The 
people at last are awake to the fact that 
ballots are only respectable when they rep- 
resent convictions. The day is forever past 
when men will blindly go to the polls to 
register the wishes of a political boss under 
the threat of regularity." — From speech of 
Governor Sulzer in Legislature February 
1, 1914. 

23 



A GREAT REFORM GOVERNOR. 

What Doctor Albert Shaw Says of 
Mr. Sulzer. 



Mr. Sulzer's work for honest government 
discussed by Dr. Albert Shaw in the Re- 
view of Reviews, December, 1913. 

A faithful reflection of public opinion in 
regard to Governor Sulzer, and his removal 
from office, is found in the December num- 
ber of the Review of Reviews. This maga- 
zine, edited by Dr. Albert Shaw, presents 
every month an intelligent, non-partisan, 
and impartial review of recent history-mak- 
ing events which commends itself to dis- 
criminating readers who appreciate how the 
powers of invisible government distort cur- 
rent news in the columns of many of the 
daily newspapers. 

Dr. Shaw in the Review of Reviews says: 
"The election of William Sulzer to the 
legislature is not merely sensational; it is a 
political affair that is Revolutionary. Mr. 
Sulzer as Governor has rendered the State 
of New York an almost superlative service. 
The prospect for good government in the 
State is better now than it has been at any 
time for half a century — and this result is 
due to Sulzer. He had a chance, as Gov- 
ernor, to make a nominally good record for 
himself, and yet to avoid all serious trouble. 
Tammany would have allowed him to ac- 
complish many things that could have borne 
the reform label. All that Tammany asked 
of him was not to investigate Graft too 
sharply, and to consult Mr. Murphy about 
appointments. In spite of all kinds of 
threats to disgrace him Governor Sulzer 
persisted in investigating corruption in the 
affairs of the State. 

24 



"The trumped up charges against the 
Governor were easily proven to be false. 
Judge Cullen, who presided over the court, 
held that Sulzer had done nothing for which 
he could be impeached. The scoundrels who 
were mixed up in the orgy of canal and 
road-building graft were so short-sighted 
a- to suppose that if they removed the 
Governor they would discredit Mr. Sulzer's 
accusations against them. But this was the 
very opposite of what happened. Their re- 
moval of Mr. Sulzer focused the attention 
of the whole world upon their own iniqui- 
ties. It aroused the entire State of New 
York to a sense of public danger and public 
duty. 

"But let us never forget that Governor 
Sulzer, thrown out of his office by Tam- 
many, will unquestionably go down in his- 
tory along with Tilden and Hughes, as one 
of the great reform Governors of the State 
of New York, whose courage in defying the 
corrupt combinations of crooked politics and 
crooked business led to great progress in 
the long-suffering but noble cause of good 
government. 

"The great size of Mr. Mitchel's plu- 
rality, in the Mayorality campaign, was due 
to Mr. Sulzer's speeches in the campaign. 
The Fusion ticket only had a fighting chance 
to win. But it happened that Tammany's 
fight against Governor Sulzer had resulted 
in sensational exposures of the real rea- 
sons that had impelled the Tammany Ring 
to oust him. It was shown clearly that 
Sulzer had been impeached, not for his 
faults, but for his virtues. He had started 
out as Governor to expose the mismanage- 

25 



ment of State departments and the robbery 
of the State by politicians and contractors in 
the expenditure of two or three hundred 
million dollars upon State canals, highways, 
prisons, and so on. Mr. Sulzer in a series of 
wonderful speeches, of definite accusations, 
with an irresistible quality of carrying con- 
viction, before great masses of people, made 
the issue so clear that no one was left in 
doubt — and Tammany was annihilated. 

"Governor Sulzer, meanwhile, had been 
promptly named for the legislature as a 
Progressive in the old Sixth Assembly Dis- 
trict, and his meetings there were attended 
by countless thousands of sympathetic citi- 
zens who arose in passionate determination 
to vindicate an honest Governor against his 
corrupt traducers, and infamous opponents." 



"The fight for honest government must 
go on. William Sulzer has played his part 
well, and his race is not yet run. From the 
watch towers he sounds the alarm. He is 
the leader. The great living issue he typi- 
fies and represents, pulsating with the life 
blood of humanity, will go forward until a 
cleaner and purer day arrives in the politi- 
cal life of our country." — From editorial in 
The Call, January 3, 1914. 



26 



MR. SULZER ON PATRIOTISM AND 
AMERICANISM. 



Speech, in Part, at the Banquet of the Amer- 
ican Party, September 27, 1915, in the 
Broadway Central Hotel, New York 
City. 

(Reprinted from Times, September 28, 1915.) 

"The American Party stands for good 
government; for decent citizenship; for a 
square deal; for the rights of the people; 
for the dignity of labor; for woman's suf- 
frage; for all progressive policies; for the 
Social Welfare; for the ideals of patriotic 
America; for Prohibition; and for the per- 
petuation of the free institutions of the 
Fathers. 

"The politicians — wise and otherwise — 
know the American Party is the party of 
the plain people, and will continue to fight 
the battle of the taxpayers for honest gov- 
ernment; to destroy corrupt bossism; and 
to abolish the iniquitous system of biparti- 
san graft, called "Fifty-Fifty," by which tax- 
ation is doubled, and the few wax fat at the 
expense of the many. 

"As the Progressive Party wanes, and 
passes into the shadow, the American Party 
looms larger and larger on the _ political 
horizon. The American Party is alive — very 
much alive — and is here to stay. 

"We are all Americans — and we are all 
patriots. The American Party stands for all 
that is great and good; and loyal and 

27 



glorious in our country. We must be pa- 
triotic. The future of the Republic depends 
on the patriotism of the people. 

"Patriotism is something to be acquired 

by immediacy of contact with the history, 
the institutions) the spirit, the privileges, 
the amenities of the country out toward 
which the hearts of our young men and wo- 
men are to be drawn in loyalty and conse- 
cration. 

"The freedom that we Americans have 
in civil and religious liberty, and the 
profusion of our opportunities — all these 
matters are so open to us and so much 
a part of life here that we forget to what 
extent they are distinctly American; in con- 
B< (uence of which we forget America and 
think only of the blessings enjoyed by us 
because we live in America; bathe in its 
waters and forget their source; like what 
America gives and forget America that gives 
it; and think of what is beautiful and enjoy- 
able in our civic life as being an intangible 
something that is diffused through the uni- 
versal atmosphere instead of being the gift 
to us of institutions that were founded in 
the anxious toil of our fathers and baptized 
in blood. 

"We arc the tru«tccs of a great heritage, 
and the preservation of that heritage is sur- 
passed by n<> other in the solemnity of its 

obligation." 



28 



GOVERNOR SULZER'S SPEECH 

At the Semi-Centennial Reunion of the 

Soldiers Who Fought the Battle of 

Gettysburg, July 3, 1913. 

(Reprinted from N. Y. World, July 4, 1913.) 

On being introduced by Governor Tener, 
of Pennsylvania, Mr. Sulzer said: 

"Gettysburg is fame's eternal camping 
ground — an inspiration and a shrine — sacred 
to the heroic men, living and dead, whose 
struggle here hallowed this ground for all 
the centuries yet to come. 

"All honor and all glory to the men, from 
upland and from lowland, who met here to 
do or die for country. Their fame is secure. 
Their memory will endure. 

"Fifty years ago, great captains with their 
men from North and South— the bravest of 
the brave that ever faced a foe— struggled 
here and there across this plain, amid the 
roar of cannon, for three long weary days, 
in the mightiest contest that ever shook our 
land; and in that clash of arms it was de- 
cided, then and here, that all men must be 
free; and that the Republic of the Fathers 
shall not perish from the earth. 

"Half a century has come and gone since 
that terrific conflict, but the intervening 
years have only added a greater splendor to 
the sacrifice, and a grander glory to the 
victory. 

29 



"History tells us that on this far-famed 
field was fought the decisive battle of the 
war between the States; that it was here 
the tide for Union — of all that we are, and 
all that we hope to be — turned to Old Glory; 
that it was here the triumph of the Stars and 
Stripes over the Stars and Bars saved from 
dissolution the greatest Republic the sun of 
noon has ever seen; and that the valor, and 
the heroism, and the devotion, and the chiv- 
alry, here displayed, by the men in blue and 
the men in gray, will live throughout the 
years of time — the heritage of all — in the 
song and story of America." 



IT LOOKS LIKE SULZER. 



(Reprinted from the Index, June 3, 1916.) 
Thus far ex-Governor William Sulzer of 
New York is leading the field for the nom- 
ination, of the Reform Forces, for President. 
However, there are several weeks between 
now and the convention, and who knows 
what might happen between now and then. 
The field is open; the nominee when finally 
decided upon will be the nominee of all true 
Patriots. We are for Sulzer. 



30 



"WHAT AMERICA STANDS FOR." 

An Extract from an Address of Governor 

Sulzer, Delivered in the Y. M. C. A. 

Hall, Chicago, 111., June 9, 1914. 

"America stands for hope and humanity; 
for freedom and friendship; for liberty and 
justice; and for the open door of oppor- 
tunity — the beacon light of human inspira- 
tion 

"The American Party is the Party of 
America — and stands for these things — and 
for the flag of our country; for the Con- 
stitution; for free speech; for our free Pub- 
lic Schools; for our Free Institutions; for 
an undivided allegiance to our Government; 
and for the fundamentals of the Fathers of 
the Republic. 

"We respect everyone's religious beliefs. 
We demand that everyone shall have the 
right to worship God according to the dic- 
tates of his, or her. conscience. We_do not 
antagonize anyone's religion; but religion is 
one thing and politics is another. Grasping 
for the salvation of souls is all right, but 
grasping for power to shape the politics and 
the destinies of a nation, is something quite 
different. 

"And so we rejoice in the fact that there 
is with us no union of Church and State, and 
there must be none. We, therefore^ have no 
good ground for criticising a religious loy- 
alty that exercises itself toward^ a foreign 
point of religious authority; but if that for- 
eign point of religious authority becomes 
also a point of secular authority, so that 

31 



sworn allegiance to the United States is held 
subordinate to a supreme allegiance to a 
foreign potentate, religious but also political, 
and with world-wide political ambitions, 
then the situation becomes definite treason 
on the part of everyone swearing such al- 
legiance, and should be stigmatized as 
treason and treated as treason. This is Free 
America; and there must be no divided 
allegiance to our flag; no divided allegi- 
ance to our constitution; and no divided 
allegiance to the Free Institutions of the 
Fathers of the Republic." 



SULZER THE GREATEST VOTE 
GETTER. 



(Reprinted from Editorial in the Sentinel, 
April 5, 1916.) 
William Sulzer is a leader who leads. Wil- 
liam Sulzer is a worker who works. Wil- 
liam Sulzer is a campaigner who campaigns. 
William Sulzer has no superior as an orator 
in the country. He is the greatest vote- 
getter in America. He is an ideal standard 
bearer for the reform forces of America. 
Hurrah for "Sulzer and Success." 
32 



LET US HAVE A RADICAL PARTY. 

(Editorial from Light, the organ of Free- 
masonry in the United States, June 17, 
1916.) 

The Democratic Party is Conservative. 
The Republican Party is Reactionary. There 
is little difference — save in name — today be- 
tween these two old parties. Their plat- 
forms are identical. They both stand for 
class and privilege. They are both con- 
trolled by the bosses, the beneficiaries of 
special privilege, and the corroding influ- 
ences of Invisible Government. Through 
their subsidized press, and antiquated agen- 
cies, there is no hope for the reforms de- 
manded by the people. 

The time is opportune, and the people 
are ready, for a militant, radical, Progressive, 
Patriotic, truly American Party. Such a 
party with a candidate having the elements 
of strength, ability, and popularity of Gov- 
ernor Sulzer can poll in this election forty 
per cent, of the votes of the country — and 
that is enough to elect. 

We favor Mr. Sulzer because he stands 
right, and rings true, for God. Home and 
Country; for honest government; for civic 
righteousness; for all true reforms; for 
Peace, Progress, Prosperity, Patriotism, 
and last, but not least, for Prohibition. 

We favor Mr. Sulzer because he is honest; 
because he never fluked; because he cannot 
be bossed; because he has great moral cour- 
age; because he has been tested by fire; be- 
cause he fought the greatest battle for good 
government in the history of America; be- 
cause in the crisis of his political career he 
flung ambition on the political scrap heap; 
spurned bribes, and fought to the end every 
• brazen enemy of the State; because he said 
he would rather be right than be Governor. 

33 



COL. HENRY WATTERSON, IN A 
LEADING EDITORIAL IN THE 
LOUISVILLE COURIER -JOURNAL, 
NOV. 9, 1913, SAYS GOVERNOR SUL- 
ZER WAS REMOVED BECAUSE HE 
WAS LOYAL TO THE PUBLIC. 
That 'the people of New York are inca- 
pable of self-government has long been the 
belief of observant and thoughtful on- 
lookers. 

Alack, the day! New York has no dignity 
to preserve. Its dignity was thrown to the 
dogs years agone. Not one of the rogues 
who voted Governor Sulzer out of office 
cares a hill o' beans about the honor of the 
State. The court which tried him was a 
mock court with a majority foresworn. Jus- 
tice, patriotism, and truth fled to brutish 
beasts, leaving graft and grafters to fight 
over the loot and to aid one another in 
corrupt succession — the people looking on 
impotent and dazed. 

The opportunities for stealing are so ever- 
present and easy — the rewards of theft so 
enormous — the likelihood of punishment is 
so slight! We read of the Walpole regime 
in England with a kind of wonder. It was 
not a flea bits by comparison with the sys- 
tem of pillage which holds New York in a 
grip from which there seems no escape. 
Go where one may he encounters its agents 
and stumbles over its engineries. Scratch 
a politician, whatever label he wears, and 
you find a scamp. Things are every whit 
as bad as they were under Tweed. They 
were amateurs in those days. A part of 
their plan was to enjoy life. Wine, women 
and song had seats at their tables. Now 
they are professionals. Addition, division, 
and silence are ranged about the board 
where Fisk said "the woodbine twineth." 
No nonsense; just the firm hand, the cold 
stare, and, where need be the legend, "dead 
men tell no tales." 

34 



Brave William Sulzer! What siren voice 
of honest government could have lured him 
to battle on the off side of a stream having 
no bridges, his line of retreat leading 
through the enemy's country right into the 
deadly ambuscades and yawning rifle pits 
of Tammany — Invisible Government — and 
Wall Street? The case against him was a 
"frame-up." Did he not know that Tam- 
many was pollution, and Wall Street a 
house of prostitution? His efforts for hon- 
est government will plead for him. But just 
as they white-washed Stillwell, so they re- 
moved him — because he was loyal to the 
Public. 



GOVERNOR SULZER BLOCKS TAM- 
MANY GRAFT. 

(From Editorial in New York World July 
23, 1913.) 

Sulzer's real offense is blocking Tam- 
many's access to millions of State money. 
That is the beginning and end of the ven- 
detta that Murphy is waging against the. 
Governor. The Boss is fighting for his 
graft, the Legislature is subservient to the 
Boss and the business of the State is at a 
standstill. 

It is possible that the Government of the 
State of New York touched lower depths 
of degradation under Tweed than under 
Murphy, although we doubt it. In Tweed's 
day there was a strong and virile public 
opinion that uncompromisingly resisted cor- 
ruption at every step until the corruption- 
ists were driven out. In Murphy's day the 
struggle seems to be regarded with cynical 
indifference as a contest between the Boss, 
and the Governor. 

Poor old New York! Is it really fit for 
self-government, or is it fit only for gov- 
ernment by contracts? Is Murphy right 
after all in the sordid view that he takes 
of the political morals of the people of this 
State? 35 



MR. SULZER IS THE FRIEND OF MAN. 



His Platform Is Peace, Progress, Patriot- 
ism, Prosperity, and Prohibition — 
He Stands for God, Home 
and Country. 



War or Peace — Which? 



(Reprinted from the Commoner June 10, 
1916.) 
In response to a request, from a news- 
paper in Minnesota, William Sulzer gave his 
views on peace in which he said: 
' "I am for Peace — not War. The spirit 
of the age cries for Peace and means Broth- 
erhood — not War and Hate. I am for the 
establishment of an International Court, 
having jurisdiction of every international 
auestion, with power to enforce its decisions, 
just the same as our United States Supreme 
Court has jurisdiction of every interstate 
question with power to enforce its de- 
cisions. The harmony of the times demands 
it, and the voice of humanity must be 
heard in this war-mad world. We must 
prepare for Peace — not War — the Peace of 
International Brotherhood — the Peace of 
World Civilization — and not the war of 
decimation and devastation. War is a relic 
of barbarism, and belongs to the Stone Age. 
War is wholesale murder, and more inde- 
fensible than retail murder. The time is 
near when no King or Kaiser; no President 
or Potentate can make one man cut the 
throat of another man — and call it War. 
The theory that might makes right is an 
exploded fallacy. It belongs on the same 
political scrap heap as the divine right of 
Kings. The doctrine of physical force is 
becoming more and more a diminishing fac- 
tor in the progress of human affairs and 

36 



the onward march of Civilization. No po- 
litical party can carry this country on a 
war platform if some other political party 
has the courage to declare for the Brother- 
hood of Man on a Peace Platform." 



WHAT GENERAL HUGGINS SAYS. 
With Sulzer We Can Win. 
The Year of Opportunity. 

^Reprinted from California Voice, June 22, 
1916.) 

We were honored this week by a visit 
from General Robert Huggins of Detroit, 
Mich., with whom for two hours we dis- 
cussed the political outlook as it appears 
today, viewed from different angles. Gen- 
eral Huggins is a party Prohibitionist, an 
intense Patriot, a gentleman of very 
wide observation, and it is his belief that 
if the Reform Forces can be united this 
year, on a good man like Governor Sulzer, 
our Cause will win. 

General Huggins is strongly in favor of 
ex-Governor Sulzer as our leader. He says 
that his long acquaintance with the Gover- 
nor has convinced him that he is not only 
one of the ablest men he ever knew, but 
f hat he is a man of unquestioned integrity, 
a Prohibitionist, and a Patriot to the core. 
He believes that Mr. Sulzer can poll from 
two to four million votes, and thus place our 
party alongside the other great political 
parties. 

"Governor Sulzer is the only man in our 
country who can unite the Labor, the 
Patriotic, the Peace, the Progressive, the 
Prohibition and the Reform Forces," said 
the General, "and lead us to victory. We 
should nominate him by all means." 

37 



A TRIBUTE TO THE SOLDIERS AND 
SAILORS OF THE UNION. 



Governor Sulzer's Speech at the Unveiling 

of the Maine Monument, Memorial 

Day, 1913. 

"This magnificent monument, reared to 
the memory of the Maine's heroic dead, will 
be an inspiration and a shrine to generations 
yet unborn, because it typifies a great idea; 
because it stands for a great theme — the 
love of country. 

"All honor to the gallant men of the 
Maine — the brave defenders of our country 
— their fame is secure. They sleep the sleep 
that knows no awakening, in the silent 
mausoleum of Arlington — our country's 
cemetery for its immortal dead — 

"On fame's eternal camping ground, 
Their silent tents are spread; 

And glory guards with solemn round, 
The bivouac of the dead." 

"YVe erect this beautiful Maine Monument 
not only as a memorial to the dead, but 
also as a beacon to the living. It will ever 
be a stimulating influence to the living as 
well as a testimonial to the dead. From the 
heroism of their sacrifice let every American 
take renewed hope — for the perpetuity of our 
free institutions, and greater determination 
to stand by American freedom — for which 
they yielded up the last full measure of their 
devotion. 

"And now, in the presence of this vast as- 
semblage — in the shadow of this monument 
— I would be remiss if I did not say, all 
honor to the men whose beneficence and 
whose patriotism have made this monument 
possible. 

"On this Memorial day — the day of all 

the year for these ceremonies — I say — all 

glory to the brave soldiers and sailors of 

our countrv. This is their dav — dedicated 

38 



to them by a grateful country — sacred to 
the soldiers and sailors, living and dead, who 
saved the Union. 

"There is no honor in the republic too 
great for the men who defend the republic. 
There is no reward in the Union too great 
for the men who saved the Union. There 
is no gift in the government too great for 
the widows and the orphans of the men 
who died for the government. Our country 
should be grateful to her brave defenders. 
We should remember that gratitude is the 
fairest flower that sheds its perfume in the 

human heart." 

GOVERNOR SULZER THE MAN! 

(From Editorial in Illinois Banner, June 26, 

1916.) 

We have not wavered in our advocacy of 
the candidacy of ex-Governor Sulzer, of 
New York, for President of the United 
States on the Prohibition party ticket. We 
are for Sulzer — first, last, and all the time — 
because he can win. 

Mr. Sulzer's successful career as member 
of the legislature of New York for six years, 
and his eighteen years in the Congress of the 
United States, and as Governor has, with his 
great experience and fine natural ability, 
prepared him for the duties devolving upon 
a President. He is known all over the coun- 
trv and honored by every honest man, and 
every sincere patriot. He can poll a larger 
vote than any man in the country, and if he 
is nominated he will make a campaign that 
will shake the sandy foundations of the old 
political parties. 

Nearly all of the Prohibition party news- 
papers are for him, because they want 
the Prohibition cause to win, and they be- 
lieve Mr. Sulzer is the man this year to lead 
the party on to victory. 

Why not make it Sulzer and Hanly? This 
combination will sweep the nation. Hur- 
rah for Sulzer and Hanly! 
39 



GOVERNOR SULZER IS A PLATFORM 
HIMSELF. 

(Reprinted from N. Y. Observer, June 19, 
1916.) 

Editor Observer: 

Wm. Sulzer was the greatest reform 
Governor in the history of New York. His 
record is the best platform a political party 
can possess. He is the greatest campaigner, 
and the best vote getter in America — and he 
is an honest man. As Governor of New 
York he fought the Powers that prey. He 
was loyal to the public. From every point 
of view he is most eminently fitted to head 
the "United Reform" ticket for President of 
the United States. His record as an As- 
semblyman, as a leader, as a Congressman, 
as a Governor, as a statesman, as a Patriot, 
as a Progressive, as a Prohibitionist, as an 
intrepid reformer, as an orator, as a cam- 
paigner, as a vote-getter, as a fulfiller of 
Promises, proves that he possesses every 
requirement for this highest office, and en- 
titles him to the nomination for President 
by the "Reform Forces" of America. Wil- 
liam Sulzer, the political martyr of New 
York State, should be the next President of 
the United States. I shall personally do all 
I can to bring about his nomination and his 
election. 

REV. CHAS. W. DANE, D.D.. 
Pastor First Presbyterian Church, Hornell, 

New York. 

40 



GOVERNOR SULZER ON PROHIBI- 
TION. 



From Speech Before Prohibition Conven- 
tion, at Pittsburgh, Pa., February 22, 
1916. 

(Reprinted from Pittsburgh Post, February 
23, 1916.) 

"When they ask you why I am for pro- 
hibition, you tell them because I have the 
courage of my convictions; because I am 
against intemperance; because I do not 
straddle a fundamental principle; because I 
will not be a hypocrite; because I love my 
fellow man; because I believe the time has 
come for the Government to get out of the 
liquor business; because I want no man to 
enslave himself, to shackle his friends, to 
widow his wife, and to bring sorrow to the 
homes of his fellow man; because I want no 
friend of mine to make his children dotards, 
and the children of his associates tear- 
stained orphans; because I am opposed to 
any man picking his own pocket and doub- 
ling his taxes; because I know from experi- 
ence that a dollar saved is a dollar made; 
and, finally, because I want to do my share, 
in my day and generation, to lessen the woes 
and the wants of humanity; to end the 
crimes and the criminals of society; and to 
decrease the poorhouses and the penitentia- 
ries of the country. 

"When they ask you why I am for pro- 
hibition you tell them that if the people were 
to save the money the indulgence in strong 
drink costs annually, and the same were 
utilized for public purposes, it would develop 
our great water powers and give us light, 
heat, and power free of cost; that it would 
build the best dirt roads since the days of 
the Caesars; that it would erect the most 

41 



beautiful public buildings the eye of man has 
ever witnessed — all poems in stone — chal- 
lenging the admiration of every lover of the 
beautiful; that it would dig the deepest and 
the widest canals ever constructed on earth; 
that it would rear to heaven the most mag- 
nificent schoolhouses for the children of 
women ever modeled by the genius of man; 
and that beyond all, and above all, it would 
make our people sober and industrious and 
efficient, and capable of producing in every 
avenue of trade, every channel of commerce, 
and every line of human endeavor more than 
20 per cent, of what they now produce, and 
hence to that extent increase the earning 
and the saving capacity of our workers. 

"When they ask you why I am for prohi- 
bition you tell them that I am for prohibi- 
tion because I want our men and women to 
come out of the swales of drunkenness up 
to the heights of soberness and get the 
perspective of the promised land; because I 
know from facts that those who earn their 
wage in the sweat of their face and spend it 
for strong drink are fooling themselves and 
robbing their families; because I know from 
statistics, medical and physiological, that the 
use of alcoholic drinks is death to brain 
and brawn, and fetters to hope and ambition; 
because I know from an economic stand- 
point, to say nothing about its moral and its 
physical aspects, that the prohibition of the 
manufacture and the sale of alcoholic 
liquors, for beverage purposes, will be one 
of the greatest boons that ever blessed 
humanity — a tremendous factor for good to 
every man, woman, and child on earth — 
a harbinger to all mankind in the struggle 
for success; and one of the most potent 
agencies in the world to increase the ma- 
terial wealth of America in the onward and 
upward march of civilization. 

42 



"When they ask you why I am for pro- 
hibition you tell them because I want to 
make the hearthside happy; because I want 
to make mankind free; because I want to 
make the State sober; and because I know 
the home can not be happy while the people 
are rioting in alcoholic drunkenness. 

"Tell them that I say no State, and no 
country, can long endure half wet and half 
dry, half drunk and half sober, and that all 
friends of good government should be with 
us in the fight to make the State sober, and 
to banish forever the saloons from our 
country. 

"Tell them that we boast that we are the 
greatest and richest country in the world; 
that we have a population of more than 
100,000,000 people; that its estimated wealth 
is more than $200,000,000,000; that its annual 
revenue from the liquor traffic is about 
$200,000,000; that the people spend every 
year for alcoholic liquors more than $2,000,- 
000,000 — just about ten times as much as the 
Government derives from the revenue, a sum 
of money that staggers the finite mind; that 
most of the money comes from the poor, 
and if it were deposited in savings banks to 
the credit of the toilers we would have a 
Government without a pauper, and the rich- 
est oeople per capita since the dawn of time 
in any land or in any clime. 

"Tell them that you know, and I know, 
that for every dollar the Government gets 
from its association with the liquor business 
it costs the taxpayers at least $20 to support 
courts and juries, hospitals and asylums, 
paupers and prisoners^, poorhouses and peni- 
tentiaries. Tell them that the use of alco- 
holic stimulants is blighting the hope of our 
womanhood, debauching the flower of our 
manhood — morally, mentally, and physically 

43 



— and devastating, degenerating, and deci- 
mating the human race. 

"Tell them that if I were asked to sum 
up in a single word the cause on earth of 
more than seven-tenths of all the woes and 
all the wants; of all the fears and all the 
tears; of all the trials and all the troubles; 
of all the ghouls and all the ghosts; of all 
the crimes and all the criminals; of all the 
groans of helpless men, and all the griefs 
of weeping women, and all the heart pangs 
of sad-faced children, I should sum it all up 
in that short word— R-U-M— RUM— which 
menaces the progress of the race, and 
challenges the. advance of civilization." 



MR. SULZER'S GOOD WORK. 

"This is a different Assembly from that 
of last year. A new Speaker presides. The 
old faces are not here. The faces that 
laughed at the taxpayers; that defied pub- 
lic sentiment; that carried out the 'orders' 
of the unseen government; that impeached 
the Governor because the Governor re- 
fused to do wrong; where are they? They 
are gone hence; their outraged constituents 
kept them ho;me." — From speech of Gov- 
ernor Sulzer in Assembly, January 5, 1914. 



44 



WM. SULZER WAS AN HONEST 
GOVERNOR. 

(Reprinted from Speech of Gov. Sulzer — 
published in the Knickerbocker-Press, 
Albany, N. Y., Oct. 21, 1913. This speech 
was delivered from the balcony of "The 
People's House" - to more than 10,000 
citizens who called to express their ap- 
proval of the Governor's administration.) 

"As the Governor I have been honest in 
all things, and faithful to my trust. No in- 
fluence could control me in the perform- 
ance of my duty but the dictates of my 
conscience. I have lost my office, but I 
have kept my self-respect. I would rather 
lose the Governorship than lose my soul; 
I would rather be right than be Governor; 
and no Governor can serve God and Mam- 
mon; the State and the Special Interests; 
the PEOPLE and the Boss; the visible and 
the invisible government. 

"Let us indulge the hope that my loss 
of the Governorship will be the people's gain. 
Misfortunes are often blessings in disguise. 
If my removal from office by an ignorant, 
and an arrogant, and a corrupt, and a des- 
perate 'Boss' shall be the humble means of 
forever destroying 'Bossism' in the State of 
New York, I shall be content, and feel 
that I have not struggled in vain for bet- 
ter things." 

45 



PLATFORM OF THE AMERICAN 
PARTY ADOPTED IN 1915. 



The American Party believes in the 
Fatherhood of God; the Brotherhood of 
Man; the Sanctity of the Home; the Per- 
petuation of the Free Institutions of Amer- 
ica; and demands the following essential 
reforms to further the progress of civili- 
zation: 

1. An honest, and an efficient, and an eco- 
nomical administration of public affairs; free 
from graft; and free from bossism — with 
equal rights to all and special privileges to 
none. 

2. The prohibition of the manufacture, and 
the sale, and the importation, and the trans- 
portation of alcoholic liquors for beverage 
purposes — with an administration committed 
to its consummation. 

3. The protection of those who toil; the 
promotion of social justice; the betterment 
of the home; harmony between capital and 
labor by a more equitable distribution of 
the fruits of labor; an eight-hour work day; 
one day's rest in seven; a Civil Service based 
entirely on the merit system; the conserva- 
tion of our natural resources; the initiative, 
the referendum, and the recall; and the gov- 
ernment ownership, and operation, of pub- 
lic utilities in the interest of the common 
weal. 

4. Peace and comity with all nations — 
entangling alliances with none — and the es- 
tablishment of an International Court of Ar- 
bitration with ample powers to insure the 
peace of the world. 

5. Equal suffrage to women; equality^ of 
all before the law; river and harbor im- 
provements; good roads; the reclamation of 
desert lands; a more scientific system of tax- 

46 



ation; and the protection of American citi- 
zens at home and abroad. 

6. A single Presidential term; preferential 
direct primaries for the nomination of Presi- 
dent, Vice-President, and Senators and Rep- 
resentatives in Congress — together with 
their election directly by the voters; the 
election of Federal Judges for stated terms; 
and the assembling of Congress on the first 
Monday in January succeeding the election 
of the members thereof. 

7. Human rights before property rights; 
the man above the dollar; simplicity and 
expediency in civil and criminal law proce- 
dure to secure the square deal; a uniform 
marriage and divorce law; the extermina- 
tion of private monopoly; and the preven- 
tion of the mortmain of idle wealth. 

8. The abolition of child labor in shops 
and factories; court review of departmental 
decisions; a cheaper and more efficient par- 
cels' post; the extension of postal savings 
banks; and the establishment of land banks 
and rural credits to promote our agricul- 
tural resources. 

9. The perpetuity of our free institutions; 
civil and religious liberty: freedom of wor- 
ship; complete separation of Church and 
State; no public funds for sectarian pur- 
poses; free speech; free press; free public 
schools; and a land of free men and free 
women — free from fear; free from super- 
stition; and free from the fetters of the 
dead and buried past — politically, medically, 
economically, and industrially. 

47 



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48 



THE DEPARTMENT OF LABOR— CAPITAL 
AND LABOR MUST BE FRIENDS 



SPEECH 



OF 



OF NEW YORK 



HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 



JULY 10, 1912 



51926 11210 



WASHINGTON 
L912 



SPEECH 

OF 

HON. WILLIAM SULZEK. 



The House being in Committee of the Whole House on the state cf the 
Union for the purpose of considering the bill (H. R. 22913) to create a 
department of labor — 

Mr. SULZER said: 

Mr. Chairman : This bill introduced by me provides for the 
creation of a department of labor, with a secretary of labor, 
who shall be a member of the President's Cabinet ; three assist- 
ant secretaries; a solicitor of the Department of Justice for 
the department of labor ; a chief clerk ; a disbursing clerk ; 
and such other clerks, inspectors, and special agents as may be 
provided for by Congress. It transfers the Commissioner Gen- 
eral of Immigration, the commissioners of immigration, the, 
Bureau of Immigration, the Immigration Service at large, the 
Bureau of Labor, and the Commissioner of Labor from the 
Department of Commerce to the new department of labor. It 
changes the title of the Bureau of Labor to the bureau of labor 
statistics and the Commissioner of Labor to the commissioner 
of labor statistics, and transfers the duties of the Commissioner 
of Labor to the commissioner of labor statistics, including those 
imposed by the Erdman Act. 

It further authorizes the collection and publication of statis- 
tics relative to the condition of labor and the products and dis- 
tribution of the products of the same, and directs the secretary 
of labor to call upon other departments of the Government for 
such statistical data as they may have which would be valuable 
for that purpose. It authorizes the secretary of labor to act 
as mediator and to appoint commissioners of conciliation in 
labor disputes, thereby lending the influence of the Government 
toward commercial concord and industrial peace. It directs 
the secretary of labor to investigate and report to Congress a 
plan of coordination of the activities of his office with the 
activities of the present bureaus, commissioners, and depart- 
ments in order to harmonize and unify such activities, with a 
view to additional legislation to further define the duties and 
powers of the department of labor. 

It is a matter of much congratulation to all concerned that 
this hill is now before the House of Representatives tor its 
r,i;»2G— 11210 3 



consideration. For a long time I have been advocating this 
measure, it bas been pending In Congress for the i lasl LO veins. 
but aever before were the advocates oi the hill able to gel ;i 
favorable report from the committee. 

However, the Democrats in this Congress have done their 
duty to the people, and this bill now comes before the House 
with a favorable report from the Committee on Labor. 

The measure, in my opinion, rises above party lines and 
superior to partisan considerations to the high plane of pure 
patriotism. Tins bill is constructive legislation essentially de- 
manded by the eountry. Labor is entitled to justice, to con- 
sideration, and to recognition. It his recognition in the legis- 
lative and the judi.-ial branches of the Government, and if. is 
entitled, in my opinion, to recognition in the executive branch 
of the Government I know of no measure before Congress 
to-day that will he more beneficial to the people and more far- 
reaching in its practical results, as the years come and go, than 
this bill of mine t<> create a department of labor. 

This bill to create a department of labor is a meritorious 
measure, and it should meet with the favorable consideration 
of the membership of this House regardless of party affiliations 
or partisan considerations. It is the first attempt ever made to 
systematically classify labor in an intelligent way, and its en- 
actment into law will evidence a disposition on the part of the 
Government to see to it that labor gets full recognition, the 
dignity of having a voice in the councils of state, and the op- 
portunity to have its claims dispassionately discussed. (Jive 
labor this boon and the labor question will be reduced to the 
minimum. 

The expense of the maintenance of the department of labor 
will he practically hut little more than that of the maintenance 
of the various bureaus at the present time. These bureaus will 
all he in the department of labor. I do not think anyone will 
take exception to the bill on the ground that it is going to ba- 
the expenses of the Government. A little additional 
expense in a matter of BO much public moment as this will be 
of small consequence to the taxpayers of this country. 

1 believe that if this bill were (.n the statute hooks today il 
would he a long step toward belter social, economic, and com- 
mercial conditions: a progressive advance along the avenues of 
rial peace; thai it will go far to allay jealousy, estab- 
lish harmony, promote tin' general welfare, make the employer 
and the employee better friends; prevent strikes, lockouts, 
blacklists, boycotts, and business paralysis; and every year save 
millions and millions of dollars of losses which necessarily result 
then from. 

51926 11210 



If you will look at the statistics yon will be startled to realize 
the tremendous loss to the people of the country entailed by 
every strike, be the same big or little. Capital as well as labor 
favors this new department. During the entire time that the 
bill has been pending before Congress, a period of 10 years, I 
have never known of a single agency that opposed this bill or 
sent an objection to Congress against its enactment. 

I speak advisedly when I say that capital as well as labor 
favors this bill, because they both realize that it will go far to 
solve what is called " the labor problem " and bring about in- 
dustrial peace; and any agency that will do that is a boon that 
should be welcomed by every intelligent citizen and every 
patriotic legislator. 

For years this legislation has been advocated by the wage 
earners of the country. The bill meets with their approbation, 
and has the approval of the best thought in the land. It has 
been indorsed by the ablest thinkers in America ; by some of 
the wisest political economists; by professors in our universi- 
ties; and by the leading newspapers of the country. The time 
is therefore ripe, it seems to me, for the creation of this de- 
partment of labor, with a secretary having a seat in the Cabinet, 
with all the rights and all the powers conferred by this bill. 

Many of you remember that when the measure was before 
Congress to create the Department of Commerce, this bill, sub- 
stantially as it is before the House now, was offered as a substi- 
tute, and was only lost by a very few votes, as the records of 
that day will show. There was a demand at that time for the 
creation of a department of labor in preference to the creation 
of a department of commerce. That demand has grown more 
insistent every year since. Looking back over the intervening 
time, I stand here and say that, in my judgment, the creation 
of the Department of Commerce was wise legislation, but we 
would have been wiser in that day if we had also created, as 
a companion department to tbe Department of Commerce, this 
department of labor. 

The department of labor was not then created. I am not 
here to find fault with what was then done, but from that day 
to this I have been voicing through this bill the demand of the 
industrial workers of America to give them the same recogni- 
tion in the executive branch of the Government that we then 
gave to commerce. They are entitled to it. they ought to have 
ih and no man who realizes that all that we are, and all that 
we hope to be, is the result of the creative force of labor, in 
my judgment will object to the enactment of this bill now; and 
I indulge the hope, and I speak for 20,000,000 honest toilers 
51926 11210 



in America, when I say thai this !>iii will be a law before tins 
session of Congress adjourns. 

I am nol in sympathy with those who say it may put a little 
patronage in the hands of the President. I can' nothing about 

that now. nor have I for the past 10 years. That phase of the 
question dwindles into insignificance when we consider the 
beneficent results of putting upon the statute hooks of our 
country a greal constructive act which will do substantial 

justice to the people who create all the wealth and go far to 
inaugurate a long reign of industrial peace. 

It seems to me the time is now propitious for the creation of 
this department of labor. It will bring labor and capita! closer 
together, and one is dependent on the other. They should be 
friends, not enemies, and walk hand in hand along the paths of 
mutual prosperity. 

If this hill becomes a law. it will go far to prevent serious 
labor troubles in the future. It will do much to solve existing 
labor problems, and every friend of industrial peace should aid 
in its enactment. The employers of labor, as well as the em- 
ployees themselves, whether they belong to trade-unions or 
not, are all. so far as 1 have been able to ascertain — and 1 am 
well advised — in accord with the principles of this progressive 
legislation and heartily approve of this constructive bill. 

I am a friend of the toilers, and I shall continue to fignl for 
their just rights and for the enactment of this bill until it 
becomes a law. It is jusl and right, and sooner or later it must 
be the law of this country. 

I am not provincial. I stand for the rights of man. I believe 
in justice to all. I am opposed to special privilege. If I am 
anything. I am an individualist, and 1 believe in keeping open 
the door <>f opportunity for every Individual in all this broad 
land. That is my democracy, and it is true democracy; and I 
use the word •'democracy" not in its political but in its generic 
sense. Let us be just to all is a fundamental principle of 
genuine democracy. 

There is nothing narrow minded about me. f am no dema- 
gogue. I believe in lair play to all. I am opposed to anything 
that will estrange employer anil employee, or cause a breach 
between capital and labor, and 1 am a friend of both. I want 
to give all an equal Chance. I want to do all I can while I live 
to make the world better and happier and more prosperous. 

1 believe in the dignity of the toiler, the grealness'of labor, and 
I wani to do everything I can in Congress and out of Congress 
to protect its inherent rights and promote its general welfare 
for the lasting benefit of all the people. I want labor to have 
as much standing as capital in the Balls of Congress and at 
51926—11210 



tlic seat of government. We have a department to represent 
finance; we have a department to represent war; we have 
a department to represent diplomacy; we have a department 
to represent our internal affairs ; we have a department to 
represent commerce; we have a department to represent jus- 
tice — all supported by the wage earners — and in the name of 
common sense why should we not have a department to rep- 
resent industrial peace as exemplified by labor, the most impor- 
tant in its last analysis of them all? 

The creation of this department of labor will be a long step 
in the right direction in the commendable movement for indus- 
trial peace; and through its agency, in my judgment, the per- 
plexing problems of labor and capital can be quickly solved in 
a way that will do substantial justice to all concerned. 

In my opinion, all labor wants is a fair show, an equal 
chance, and a square deal — in Congress and out of Congress. 
Labor is indefatigable and unselfish, sympathetic and consist- 
ent. It does not ask for more than its just rights. We hear 
much about equality before the law. That is all labor wants. 
It seeks no special privileges and wants none. 

Labor makes no war on vested rights. It does not rail at 
honestly acquired wealth. It is not antagonistic to legitimate 
capital. It would close no door to opportunity. It would 
darken no star of hope. It would not palsy initiation. It would 
strike no blow to paralyze ambition. Its motto is onward with 
hope; forward without fear. It stands for the rights of man; 
for the greatness of the individual; for equality before the law; 
for concord and peace; for equal rights to all and special 
privileges to none. Capital and labor must be friends, not 
enemies. They should act in harmony, not antipathy. Their 
interests should be mutual, not antagonistic. In our complex 
civilization each is essential to the other, and they should walk 
hand in hand. To prosper they must be at peace, not at war. 
Each is necessary to the other. Both have their rights and 
both have their limitations. The inherent rights of labor, to 
say the least, are as sacred as the vested rights of capital. 

Labor makes capital, creates all wealth, and should have 
equal opportunities and as much consideration, but the trouble 
seems to be that labor does not receive a fair share of what it 
produces, it is the duly of the just and sagacious legislator, 
in the interest Of our civilization, to see to it that there is less 
centralization of wealth and a more equitable distribution of the 
fruits of toil. 

Labor should be represented in every branch of the Govern- 
ment. Labor is noi of to-day, or of yesterday, or of to-morrow. 
]| is eternal. Dynasties come and go, governments rise and fall, 
51926— 11*210 



8 

centuries succeed centuries, but !;ii><«r creates and goes on Cor* 
ever. Labor is the law of life. 

No man, lu my opinion, ran pay too high a tribute to " labor." 
It is ill.- creative force of the world, the genius of the brawn 
of man; tin- spiril of all progress, and the milestones marking 
tin- forward movement of every age. Civilization owes every- 
thing i" labor — to th" constructive toiler of the world. Labor 
owes very little to civilization. Mother Earth is labor's best 
friend. From her forests and her fields, from her rocks and her 
rivers, the toiler has wrought all and brought forth the wonders 
of mankind. 

Tear down your temples and labor will rebuild them: close 
every avenue of trade and labor will reopen them: destroy your 
towns and labor will replace them greater and grander than they 
were; but destroy labor, and famine will Stalk the land, and 
pestilence will decimate the human race. If every laborer in the 
world should cease work for six months, it would cause the 
greatest catastrophe that ever befell humanity — a tragedy to 
the human race impossible to depict and too frightful to 
contemplate. 

I stand now wheie I always have stood, and where I always 
will stand — for the rights of the toilers, for justice to the 
WOrkingmen of our country, whose labor creates all wealth — and 
I will continue in the future, as I have in the past, to do all in 
my power to advance their prosperity and to promote their 
material welfare. 

Capital must recognize the rights of labor. Capital should 
be just. Labor has as much right to organize as capital. The 
right of a man to labor is inalienable, and the right of a man 
to ipiit work is just as undeniable. Neither capital nor labor 
lias the right to take the law in its own hands. If capital does 
wrong that is no reason why labor should do wrong. Two 
wrongs never did and never will make a right, in a govern- 
ment such as ours, the reign of law will not give way to the 
reign of force. 

The best advice that the most ardent sympathizer can give 
labor, organized or otherwise, in its struggle for its just rights, 
for belter conditions, for greater progress, and for ;) more equi- 
table distibution of its fruits. Is obex- the law. Labor's only 
hope is here. The law is the shield of tin- toiler— the sheet 
anchor of the wage earner. This is a land id' liberty, but it 
is now. ever was, and always will be. liberty under law. 
51926 it.' to 

o 



The Russian Passport Question. 



SPEECH 

OF 

HON. WILLIAM SULZEE, 

of new york, 

In the House of Eepeesentatives, 

December 13, 1911. 

TREATY BETWEEN RUSSIA AND THE UNITED STATES. 

Mr. SULZBR (when the Committee on Foreign Affairs was 
called) said : 

Mr. Speaker : I call up House joint resolution 166, providing 
for the termination of the treaty of 1S32 between the United 
States and Russia, which I send to the desk and ask to have 
read. 

The Clerk read as follows: 
House joint resolution 16G, providing for the termination of the treaty 
of 1832 between the United States and Russia. 

Resolved, etc., That the people of the United States assert as a funda- 
mental principle that the rights of its citizens shall not be impaired at 
home or abroad because of race or religion ; that the Government of the 
United States concludes its treaties for the equal protection of all 
classes of its citizens, without regard to race or religion ; that the Gov- 
ernment of the United States will not be a party to any treaty which 
discriminates, or which by one of the parties thereto is so construed 
as to discriminate, between American citizens on the ground of race or 
religion ; that the Government of Russia has violated the treaty between 
the United States and Russia, concluded at St. Petersburg December IS, 
1832, refusing to honor American passports duly issued to American 
citizens, on account of race and religion : that in the judgment of the 
Congress the said treaty, for the reasons aforesaid, ought to be ter- 
minated at the earliest possible time ; that for the aforesaid reasons 
the said treaty is hereby declared to be terminated and of no further 
force and effect from the expiration of one year after the date of noti- 
fication to the Government of Russia of the terms of this resolution, 
and that to this end the President is hereby charged with the duty of 
communicating such notice to the Government of Russia. 

Mr. SULZER. Mr. Speaker, the joint resolution just read 
by the Clerk of the House of Representatives speaks for itself 
and demands the abrogation of the Russian treaty concluded in 
St. Petersburg in 1S32, because for nearly half a century Russia 
has persistently refused to abide by iis terms and recognize 
passports of American citizens without discrimination. 

Treaties between nations should be free from ambiguity re- 
garding the rights of their respective citizens to visit and so- 
journ in the country of each other, and should admit of no 
discrimination in favor of some citizens and against other citi- 
zens of either of the hi.nh contracting parties. It is customary 
among the nations of the world to recognize without discrimi- 
nation the passports of each, when duly issued and authenti- 
cated, to their respective citizens who desire to travel in other 
countries. 

201G4— 10440 



Tlif question now before the Congress of the United Slates 
regarding this "Russian passport question" resolves Itself into 
this: Has Russia by the treaty of L832 agreed to recognize 
American passports without discrimination? 

To determine the matter it is accessary to read the provision 
in the treaty of 1832 between the United States and Russia. 
Article 1 of that treaty reads as follows: 

There shall ho between ihe territories of the high contracting parties 
a reciprocal liberty of commerce and navigation. The inhabitants of. 
their respective State-; shall mutually have liberty to enter the ports, 
places, and rivers of the territories of each party wherever I 
commerce Is permitted. They shall he at liberty to sojourn and 
in all parts whatsoever of said territories, in order to attend to their 
affairs, and they shall enjoy, to that effect, the same security and pro- 
tection as natives of the country wherein they reside. 

This provision of tlie treaty seems to be plain and clear, and 
gives citizens of the United States — 

the right to sojourn and reside in all parts of Russia in order to 
attend to their affairs, and they shall enjoy the same security and 
protection as natives of the country wherein they reside. 

A treaty is the supreme law of the land, and Mr. Justice Field, 
of the United States Supreme Court, laid down the construction 
of treaties in Geofroy v. Riggs (133 U. S., 271), in which he 
said: 

It is a general principle of construction with respect to treaties that 
they shall lie liberally construed, so as to carry out the apparent Intent 
of the parties to secure equality and reciprocity between them. As they 
are contracts between independent nations*, in their construction, 
words are to be taken in their ordinary meaning, as understood in the 
public law of nations, and not in any artificial or special sense im- 
pressed upon thorn by local law, unless such restricted sense is clearly 
intended. And it has been held by this court that where a treaty admits 
of two constructions, one restrictive of rights that may ho claimed 
under it and the other favorable to them, the latter is to be preferred. 

The treaty with Russia regarding the rights of our people to 
travel and sojourn in Russia is clear and explicit. By virtue of 
its terms I am certain that no discrimination can be made 
against any American citizen desiring to visit Russia on account 
of race or religion; mid when Russia makes this discrimination 
she violates the treaty and perpetrates an act unfriendly to the 
people of the United States. We can not tolerate this injustice 
to some of our citizens, this violation of treaty stipulations, this 
race prejudice, and this religions discrimination. It is foreign 
to the fundamental principles of our tree institutions .and con- 
trary to everything for which civilization stands at the dawn 
of the twentieth century. 

We assert that the Government of the United States has enro- 
jfully lived \\}> to its treaty obligations with Russia. We have 
granted to every Russian coming to this country all the rights 
stipulated in the treaty, Irrespective of race or religion. That 
is our constt net ion of the treaty of 1 S -'I2 and demonstrates the 
intention of the United States Government in its conclusion. 

American citizens should have the same rights to visit and 
sojourn in Russia that Russian citizens have t<« visit and so- 
journ in the United Slates. If they do not, then the treaty is 
violated and it ought to be abrogated. 

The refusal or [tu?slo to recognize American passports on 
account of race and religion is a clear violation, in my judgment, 
of the treaty, and the remaining question is one of remedy only. 

The ftnsl (Pity of our < ;o\n ninetil is to protect the rights of 
its citizens at home and abroad. All that is required on the 
201G4— 10410 



part of tlie United States is a firm determination to do its duty 
to all its citizens, to do it at all times, and to do it in all places. 
The. seal of the United States on a certificate of citizenship 
should render it valid and make it acceptable by all countries at 
its face value throughout the entire world. Our guarantee 
should be good. 

All argument based on the possible financial injury that may 
be done to those Americans who have business interests in 
Russia dwindles into mere nothingness when we consider that 
human rights and national honor are at stake. It is confi- 
dently believed that American citizens will not- listen with equa- 
nimity to any suggestion which places the dollar above the 
man. Who can be patient when, under existing conditions, we 
are compelled to record the ignominious fact that during the 
past summer the proprietor of one of the most influential 
Jewish newspapers published in New York, who expressed a 
desire to go to Russia, was refused vise of his passport by the 
Russian consul at New York, but had no difficulty in procuring 
such- vise from the Russian consul in London? 

Diplomacy of the highest order has been employed in vain 
to bring about a change of policy on the part of the Russian 
Government. Both of the great political parties of this country, 
ever since 1904, in their national platforms declared that it is 
the unquestioned duty of the Government to procure for all our 
citizens, without distinction, the rights of travel and sojourn in 
friendly countries, and have pledged themselves to insist upon the 
just and equal protection of all of our citizens abroad, and have 
declared themselves in favor of all efforts tending to that end. 
They have further pledged themselves to insist upon the just and 
lawful protection of our citizens at home and abroad and to 
use all proper measures to secure for them, whether native born 
or naturalized and without distinction of race or creed, the 
equal protection of our laws and the enjoyment of all rights 
and privileges open to them under the covenants of our treaties 
of friendship and commerce. 

On October 19, 190S, Senator Root, then Secretary of State, 
in a letter to Mr. Jacob H. Schiff, referring to the same subject, 
declared that our Government had never varied in its insistence 
upon equality of treatment for all American citizens who seek 
to enter Russia with passports, without regard to creed or 
origin, and that the administration had repeatedly brought the 
matter to the attention of the Russian Government and urged 
the making of a new treaty for the purpose of regulating the 
subject. The communication concludes: 

We have but very recently received an unfavorable reply to this 
proposal, and wo have now communicated to Russia an expression of 
the desire of this Government for the complete revision and amend- 
ment of the treaty of 1832, which provides for reciprocal rights of 
residence and travel on the part of the citizens of the two countries. 
We have expressed our views that such a course would lie preferable 
to the complete termination of the treaty, subjecting both countries (o 
the possibility of being left without any reciprocal rights whatever, 
owing to the delay in the making of a new treaty. 

Seven years have passed since both political parties have 
made these declarations of principle; three years have passed 
since (his pointed statement of our State Department, ami yet 
conditions arc exactly the same as they were 40 years age, there 
has been absolutely no progress in negotiation, the efforts of 
201G4— 10440 



diplomacy have proven futile, and the same discrimination 
among our citizens continues. 

There has thus been Inflicted, and continues to be Inflicted, a 
shameless affront upon the honor of our country and upon the 
iv of American Citizenship. The insult is not upon the 
individuals as to whom there has been discrimination, but 
against the entire body of American citizens, because a wrong 
done to one in his capacity as a citizen is a wrong indicted upou 
every citizen. 

Oar Government has been extremely patient and remarkably 
resourceful, yet there is nothing to indicate that anything can 
be accomplished by a continuance of the methods thus far em- 
ployed. Russia believes that our Government has not been 
serious and that its efforts have been ceremonial rather than 
real. The time has come at last when more decisive action is 
required, otherwise there will be good reasons for asserting 
that certain classes of our citizens who have been singled out 
by Russia are under civil disabilities with the implied sanction 
of our Government. 

From a careful and an unprejudiced investigation of all the 
circumstances in this controversy, it seems evident to me, and it 
must be apparent to every sensible and fair-minded person, that 
when the treaty with Russia was concluded it was the intention 
of Russia and the United States that the rights granted by 
Article I of that treaty should extend equally to every citizen of 
this country without discrimination of any kind whatsoever. 

This being so, it is self-evident from the record in the case 
that Russia has for years continually violated this provision of 
the treaty by refusing to recognize passports granted to Ameri- 
can citizens on account of race or religion. " 

This is not a Jewish question. It is an American question. It 
involves a great principle. It affects the rights of all American 
citizens. Russia not only refuses to recognize American pass- 
ports held by Jews on account of their race or their religion 
but she also refuses, when she sees fit, to recognize American 
passports held by Baptist missionaries, Catholic priests, and 
Presbyterian divines, on account of their religious belief. 

The Government of the United States declares as a funda- 
mental principle that all men are equal before the law regard- 
less of race or religion, and makes no distinction based on the 
creeds or the birthplaces of its citizens in this connection, nor 
can it consistently permit such distinctions to be made by a 
fbrelgn power. We solemnly assert, and must maintain, that 
the rights of our citizens at home or abroad shall not be im- 
paired on account Of race or religion. 

Not the religion, nor the race of a man. but his American 
citizenship is the true test of the treatment he shall receive and 
the rights he shall enjoy under the law at home and abroad. 
This is fundamental. We must adhere to it tenaciously. 

Freedom of religious belief — the right to worship our Maker 
according to the dictates of our conscience; — is one of the corner 
stones of our broad institutions, and so jealous of this liberty 
were the fathers that: they wrote in the Federal Constitution: 

Congress shall make no law respecting the establishment of religion 
or prohibiting the free exercise thereof. 

We must maintain this great principle of religious freedom 
inviolate forever. 
201C4— in im 



Mr. Speaker, what action should the Congress of the United 
States take in this matter? I have given much thought to this 
inquiry and have finally concluded that the best thing we can do 
to remedy this injustice to American citizens is to serve the 
usual official notice of 12 months on Russia that we desire to 
abrogate the treaty of 1S32, and that at the expiration of the 
notice, given in accordance with the terms of the treaty, it 
shall be null and void. 

We must be true to the great principles of justice and free- 
dom and equality on which our Government is founded. We 
must not connive at the discrimination of any American citizen 
on account of his race or his religion or permit any foreign 
power to discriminate against him for these reasons. To do so 
belittles our dignity, is an insult to every American, and makes 
our boast of equal rights to all a hollow mockery. 

Russia must recognize American passports without discrimi- 
nation on account of race or religion, or the Russian treaty 
should be abrogated. Our self-respect demands it. The mem- 
ories of the past dictate it ; our hope for the future commands 
it. No other course is open to the United States, and for this 
Government to submit longer to the violation by Russia of the 
treaty is a humiliation to our sense of justice and to our love 
for our fellow man that merits the condemnation of every 
patriotic citizen in America. 

We are a patient and a long-suffering people where the ques- 
tion involved does not touch us on our tenderest spot — our 
pocketbooks; but the patriotic awakening has come at last, and 
with it a keen realization of the affronts we have suffered for 
years at the hands of a Government notorious for its lack of 
human sympathy. 

This is not a partisan question. It is an American matter. 
In a dignified way we say to Russia we give you the official 
notice provided for in the treaty to abrogate the same, because 
you have violated it — because it is obsolete — and we want to 
negotiate a new treaty with you in harmony with the spirit of 
the times ; and we say to all the world in calmness and in delib- 
eration, the Government of the United States puts human rights 
above commercial gain in writing treaty contracts with the 
powers of the earth. 

Mr. Speaker, this joint resolution introduced by me has been 
unanimously reported from the Committee on Foreign Affairs 
of this House, and I congratulate my colleagues on the com- 
mittee for their expedition and their broad-minded patriotism 
in the matter. Behind this resolution is an overwhelming case 
of treaty violation, as conclusive in its details as it is incon- 
trovertible in its proofs. 

Nevertheless, in adopting to-day this resolution to abrogate 
the Russian treaty we but follow precedent. We do nothing 
new, nothing startling, nothing offensive. We assort a funda- 
mental principle, act advisedly on a vested privilege, declare 
that human rights are more important than commercial rights 
for the welfare of a free and a progressive people, and invoke 
tbc impartial judgment of every liberty-loving and right-think' 
lug citizen in our country on the justification of our action in 
the premises. 

The press and the pulpit, tho bench and the bar, (he Jew and 
the Gentile, the poor and the rich, tho weak and tin 1 powerful, 
the Catholic and the Protestant throughout patriotic America 
201G4— 10440 



G 

demand that tbo Russian treaty be abrogated. Hie people are 
aroused about the matter as they never have been before over 
iiu- question, and the time tor action by the Congress has eouie. 

There can be do arbitration of this elemental principle of our 
Government; there must be ao more delay; the matter must he 
settled now and toi all time, and a new treaty hereafter nego- 
tiated in which Russia can And BO loophole to enable her in the 
future i" discriminate against any American citizen on account 
of race or religion; a new treaty that will be up to date; that 
will be in harmony with the twentieth century; that will be in 
sympathy with human rights; that will not override our ITed- 
eral Constitution; that will not violate our national ideals; and 
(hat will not dishonor the virtue and the Integrity of the pass- 
ports of our splendid and Intelligent and patriotic American 
citizenship. [Long and loud applause.] 

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to print in the REC- 
ORD a few letters from distinguished citizens, which I intended 
to read, hut could not for lack of time. 

The SPEAKER. Is there objection? [After a pause.] The 
Chair hears none. 

The letters follow : 

133 East TnrnTv-FiFTiT Stbeet, 

aetO Yurie till/, December 1, 1011. 

I(f>n. William Srr.zi-i!, 

Chairman Committer on Forcipn Affairs, 

House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. 

My Dbaii Mi:. Sdlzeb : It is Impossible lor mo to accept the invita- 
tion you tender me to come to Washington and be present at the hear- 
ing before the Commit tec on Foreign Affairs next Monday. Even were 
I to come there is little that I could say. It has all been said aud said 
repeatedly and effectively. 

The resolution which you have introduced scorns to me to go directly 
to t lie point, with no waste of words, no disjointedness In argument, 
and no disguise of purpose. 

The question is not at all a racial one. although projected by Russia's 
racial discrimination. It is of no present significance whose passports 
it i- thai Russia fails to honor or how many or how few of such dis- 
honored passports there may lie. One BUCb, issued in due form, it un- 

:.'■_•(! by iter, and persistently unrecognized, is a breach of inter- 
national contract and an insult not only to the failed States Govern- 

bul to every Individual citizen under that Government, it la to 

this Individual Bense of wrong that is duo the intense feeling that now 

Our national dignity suffers by our Indefinite submission to 

Russia's pertinacious discourtesy and contumely. There is a point at 

which national forbearance not only censes to he a virtue but com- 

mences to become a condition of self-stuljlficatlon, and at that point 

we seem to have already arrived. 

The present situation affords us the opportunity to teach Russia a 

In the art of lern civilization, and it Is her Ignorance and 

Inappreclation of thai art thai renders appropriate a more d< 

and drastic method of dealing With her than might be allowable were 

she standing at a level with the more advanced nations with whom 
such terms as treaty, compact, probity, and honor carry a significance 
of which Russia appears to be altogether Inappreclatlve. 

I believe, sir. that the adoption of the resolution introduced by you. 
looking to the abrogation of the existing treaty with Russia, will afford 
Immense satisfaction not only to our Jewish friends but to the great 
muss of American citizens. 

Yours, respect fully, C. II. PAnKnuRST. 

Ni:w Yohk, December 8, 1011. 

lion. William Sdlzeb, 

Chairman of tin Committee on Foreign Affair.?, 

lions, nf Representatives, Washington, D. C. 

My DEAD Mi:. SDLZEB: I am unfortunately unable to go to ^Yashington 
ami be present at tin" bearing which your committee will grant, on the 
11th instant, on th.- resolution which you have introduced to abrogate 
the Russian treaty. 
20164 10440 



I sincerely trust that joint resolution No. 1G6, providing for the ter- 
mination of the treaty of 1832 between our country and Russia will 
he unanimously approved by your committee. In my opinion 'it is 
absolutely useless to temporize any longer over the passport question 
For. the past 40 years Russia has ignored the protests of our State 
Department, and the time has now arrived when all American citizens 
who are proud of their citizenship should rise up and force Russia 
either at once to recognize the provisions of the treaty of 1832 or that 
the Government of the United States give summary notice of its abro- 
gation. It does not appear to me to be a religious question, but an 
American question, and one of right, honesty, and patriotism. It is 
abhorrent to the true American doctrine of equality that any country 
should discriminate against any class of American citizenship, and all 
the more shameful in view of that explicit protection afforded under 
the terms of the treaty. All the efforts of diplomacy and the vigorous 
protests heretofore made have been of no avail. American citizenship 
must now be vindicated and notice given to Russia that we will no 
longer permit the violation of our treaty obligations. The present situ- 
ation is disgraceful, and as an American citizen— not only as a Jew 

I appeal to all members of the Committee on Foreign Affairs and to 
our honored House of Representatives for justice. Let us not place 
material interests above those of fair dealing, righteousness, and justice 

It appears to me that the suggestion offered to submit the question 
at issue to an international court of arbitration would be humiliating 
to, the dignity and honor of our country. There is nothing to arbitrate"- 
it is a question of enforcement of the treaty or of its abrogation. 

I take this opportunity of thanking you for the noble and persistent 
fight which you have made on behalf of all loyal citizens. I feel con- 
vinced that your committee will favorably report the resolution and 
that the bill will pass both Houses of Congress. 
Very truly, yours, 

Isaac N. Seligman. 

1822 Glexwood Road, 
Flatbush, N. Y., December 9, 1911. 
Hon. William Sulzer, 

Chairman Committee on Foreign Affairs, 

Washington, D. C. 
My Dear Mr. Sulzer : I am sorry that I can not appear in person 
before your committee to speak in favor of the resolution providing for 
the termination of the treaty of 1832 between the United States 3 and 
Russia. Thirteen years ago I first published my book, Justice to the 
Jew. I believe I was the first Gentile voice, in my profession at least 
to make a plea for justice to the Jew. There is no new argument that 
can be made at this late day against the passage of vour resolution 
My contention has always been that this is not a Jewish but an 
American question. All we ask is that Russia shall do for ail our 
citizens what we are doing for all theirs — justice and a square deal 
The American people jusuly demand as much and consistently can no*"' 
will not, be satisfied with less. 

Very sincerely, yours, Madison C. Peters. 

Chicago, December 9, 1911, 
lion. William Sulzer, 

House of Representatives, "Washington, D, C. 

Mx Dear Mr. Sulzer : Replying to your letter of the Gth instant, I 
wired you as follows : 

" I regret my inability to comply with your request to appear before 
Committee on Foreign Affairs next Monday. 

"All I would say will doubtless be far more ably presented by others 
who will attend. 

"A vital principle is at stake, in which every self-respecting American 
citizen is deeply interested. 

" I earnestly hope the resolution will pass." 

The foregoing message is by no means formal or perfunctory, since 
I do, indeed, regret my inability to be there, even though I could not 
and did not add a word or thought to the able presentation of the 
quest iou which will surely then be made. 



My law partner, Mr. Adolf Kraus, president of the Independent Order 
of B nai IVrith, returned this morning from a visit to Washington 
and New York, and said that while he found it impossible lor him to 
remain, Mr. Louis Marshall, of New York, is expected to express the 
sentiments of this order or, perhaps more particularly, those of Its 
president. 

I very much appreciate the deep interest vou take in this question. 
It should bring you the lasting gratitude of not only citizens of Jewish 



201G4— 10440 



8 

extraction, but citizens of all classes, whatever their origin, who believe 
that American citizenship is something more than an i « 1 1 * - abstraction. 
1 thank you for your wry kind and Battering letter, and with assur- 
ance of h - m, l am, as ever, 

Vers sincerely, yours, Samusl Alschulee. 

lion. William Sri.zrt:. 

man Committee on Foreign Affairs. 
Mv Dkah Si LZBR : I had expected to be at the hearing Monday, but 
am detained in New York by an unexpected lawsuit. I am very sorry, 
ber of the Foreign Affairs Committee, may I express 
the hope that the abrogation resolution will he promptly reported? 
We have waited long enough for justice from Russia. 
Yours, very truly, 

William S. Bennet. 

Men's Club, St. Peter's Chobch. 

Xiuyura Falls, X. V., December o, ion. 
Don. William Sui.zer. 

Sir: At a meeting of the men of St. Teter's parish, held Pe- 
1. 1911, the resolution concerning the treaty witli Russia was 
presented and unanimously passed in the words which your commit- 
tee suggested in your communication dated November 29. 
Yours, most truly, 

Rev. ruiLip W. MosiiEit. 

Resolution. 
Whereas for more than a generation passports issued by our Gov- 
ernment to American citizens have been openly and continually dis- 
regarded and discredited by Russia in violation of its treaty obliga- 
tions and the usage of civilized nations. 

During all that time administration after administration, irrespec- 
tive of party, has protested against this insult and humiliation, and 
Congress has on repeated occasions given emphatic expression to its 
:>£nt of the strain imposed upon our national honor. Diplomacy 
has exhausted itself in. ineffectual effort to bring relief, for which a 
Deration is impatiently waiting. 
The citizenship of every American who loves his country has In con- 
sequente been subjected to degradation, and it has become a matter of 
such serious Import to the people of tin- United States, as an entirety, 
that this condition can no longer be tolerated. Be it therefore 

/.'( x. Inil. Thai as a body of citizens having at heart the preservation 
of the , onor of the .Nation, joining in . mulation with all other 

citizens to elevate its moral and political standards and to stimulate an 
abiding conscl usness "T its Ideal mission among the nations of the 
earth, that our i; Ives \ n Congress give their support to the 

tlon now pending in I ly Mr. Sulzeb, of New 

York, providing for the termination of the treaty of 1S:52 now existing 
. - and Russia, to the nid that if treaty rela- 

tions are to exist between the two nations it shall be upon such condi- 
tions and guaranties only as shall he consonant with the dignity of the 
in people. Be it further 
fteeoi a copy of this resolution be forwarded to the Con- 

i our respective districts aud the Senators of our State. 

National Qbbman-AmbbicAN Alliance 

of tiii: United States of Ambbica, 

Philadelphia, J'a., December 2, mi. 
To the Hon. William SOLZEB, 

House <>] Representativea, "Washington, D. C. 
DBAB Si::: Protesting against the action of the Russian Government 
In not recognizing th - of American citizens of the Jewish 

persuasion, the convention of the National German-American Alliance, 
held at Washington, l ». C, October 6 10, 1911, decided to request 
Congress to declare null and void the treaty of this country with 
of 1832. 
The following resolution was adopted unanimously: 

That the nonrecognitlon of the American passport by the 
B n Government on account of the religion of the holder thereof is 

violative of the treaty of l 1 -::., and therefore Congress be petitioned to 
the Suizer resolution to abrogate said treaty. 
i: spectfully submitted. 

ADOLPn Till II, Secretary. 

201G4— 10410 



o 



We Must Preserve Our Forests, Protect Our Watersheds, and 
Promote the Utilities of Our Rivers From Source to Sea — 
This Is the Plain Duty of the Hour, and if We Fail to 
Do It, We Invite the Deluge and Create the Desert. 



SPEECH 



OF 



HON. WILLIAM SULZER 

OF NEW YORK 



IN THE 



HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 



THURSDAY, MAY 21, 190S 



f 



•I I J Ml -7800 



L9Q8 



SPEECH 

OP 



IIOjS t . WILLIAM SULZEE. 



The House having under consideration the bill (H. R. 21986) to en- 
able any State to cooperate with any other State or States, or with the 
United States, for the conservation of the navigability of navigable 
rivers, and to provide for the appointment of a commission — 

Mr. SULZER said: 

Mr. Speaker: This bill to create a forest commission to 
investigate something and report next year nothing regarding 
the protection of the forests within the watersheds of the White 
Mountains and the Southern Appalachian range is a sad disap- 
pointment to the real friends of genuine forest preservation. It 
means more delay — and procrastination has been the order of 
the day — in this momentous matter. We had indulged the hope 
that the Appalachian forest reservation bill would be reported 
and passed before this session of Congress adjourned ; but, alas, 
our fondest expectations are again destined to be shattered by 
this little apology for the real legislation so earnestly demanded 
by the far-seeing people of the country. 

Now, I want to say that I am opposed to this delay. I look 
with suspicion on this makeshift. Instead of the House of 
Representatives responding to the appeals of the people and 
meeting this great question in a broad and statesmanlike way, 
the powers that be in this House direct that the commitee bring 
in this bill to delegate away our legislative rights to a perfunc- 
tory commission. It is a great mistake. The people are being 
humbugged. The pretext will not answer. We are sent here 
to legislate on this question, and on all other questions, and we 
should not seek to escape the responsibility. The Congress Is 
the lawmaking body of this Government. The people elected 
us to legislate, ami if we are too Indolent or too ignorant or too 
Incompetent to do it, we ought to be manly enough to say SO and 
i 4201— 7809 ' 3 



]. Ign and go home and let the people elect Members who are 
capable enough and competent enough and Industrious enough 
to legislate, not only on this matter, but on all other matters. 

I am opposed to delegating away the powers of the legislative 
branch of the Government to Irresponsible commissions. I am 
; ast legislation by commission. I do not like too much 
commission-made law. I am opposed to this legislative com- 
mission business— to a commission to investigate the tariff 
schedules, to a commission to report on hanking ami currency, 
to a commission to look into this matter of forest preservation, 
ami to commissions to do various other things. It is all wrong. 
It all means delay — more procrastination. These commissions 
to do this. ;uid to do that, and to do something or other, are 
merely excuses for delay and for junketing parties, called into 
being to have a good time, created to spend the people's money, 
and nine times out of ten utterly useless and barren of benefi- 
cial results. We are sent here to do the people's business. Let 
us obey their mandates and endeavor to meet their expecta- 
tions. 

I am in favor of preserving our forests by intelligent forestry 
legislation. I am in favor of protecting our watersheds, and 
utilizing to the utmost our numerous rivers as they flow from 
the lnuuii tains to the seas; and I believe that now is as good a 
time to begin as some time in the future. We must preserve 
our forests: we mast protect our watersheds; we must promote 
the utilities of our rivers from source to sea. This is the plain 
duty of the hour; and if we fail to do it, we invite the deluge 
and create the desert. This is a great economical question. I 

worn the House that delay in this matter is dangerous. Let us 
do our duty now and not endeavor to escape responsibility by 

delegating our powers to this commission that will be impotent 
to accomplish permanent results. 
« Now, what does this little commission l > 1 1 1 do? Briefly, it 
provides, in the tirst section, that the consent of the United 
States is gives to any State to enter into any compact or 

agreement, not in violation of the law of the United States, 
with any other State or States. The second section makes an 

appropriation of $100,000 to enable the Secretary of Agricul- 
44201— 7i 



5 

tnro to enter into cooperative arrangements with the Stales or 
with owners of private woodlands for the administration and 
utilization of the same. Just what the result of that will be 
I know not. The remaining sections of the bill provide for the 
appointment of a commission of ten members, five to be ap- 
pointed by the Speaker of the House and five to be appointed by 
the presiding officer of the Senate; these ten to take into con- 
sideration all questions relating to the proposed forest reserva- 
tions of the White and Appalachian mountains, 
j The action of the committee in this matter — from the bill to 
do something, now pending in the committee, to this commission 
bill, just sprung on us, to do nothing — is the merest kind of a 
makeshift — the rankest kind of an apology — intended only for 
delay and to escape responsibility ; and the whole proceeding is 
most deplorable. I regret it exceedingly, and I appeal to the 
wisdom and to the sagacity and to the patriotism of the Mem- 
bers of Congress to do something substantial now before it is 
too late. We are behind the age on this all-important question 
of the conservation of our natural resources. We have received 
a mighty heritage and with it a corresponding responsibility. 
We are the trustees for future generations; and we will bo 
false to ourselves, false to our country, and false to our trust 
if we do not do our duty and preserve, in so far as we can, 
what we enjoy for the benefit of those that come after us. Let 
us be true to our trust and true to the ages yet to come, and 
always boar in mind that willful waste makes woeful want. 

Mr. Speaker, we must preserve our forests; we must protect 
our watersheds; we must look after our rivers, from their 
source to the sea. It is one of the most important questions of 
the d;iy, and further delay is criminal. We must wake up before 
our forests are denuded and our rivers destroyed. After the 
forests are gone this is what will happen: The soil dries up, 
li:s;>s its fibrous life, and by erosion is rapidly washed down 
into the rivers, where it is deposited to the detriment of naviga- 
tion, necessitating millions of dollars of Government money each 
year for dredging. The heavier forest dehris. which is not 
removed, dries up and becomes a tangled mass of Umber, that 
takes fire from the hunter's or the woodman's mat.-h. or when 
•HL'Ol— 7800 



G 

the lightning strikes it. The Ares, beginning In this debris, 
spread to the forests that are left and every year do Incalcula- 
ble damage; then the springs and the multitude of tiny brooks 
that feed the rivers are dried up, and the latter in the dry sea- 
son gel very low, causing enormous loss of the water power 
Which runs the great mills; then the snows melt and the heavy 
later rains begin. There is no soil now to hold back and dis- 
tribute equably this downfall on the steep slopes, and so we 
have the devastating floods, which annually entail enormous 
losses. 

And so, sir, it follows like the night the day that after the 
devastation of the forests comes the deluge and then a barren 
waste and then death to all living things and then the rainless 
desert. It is thus that annihilation has come upon some of the 
greatest empires and richest domains that the world .has ever 
seen. Once upon a time, before the mountain forests" of Leb- 
anon were destroyed, Palestine blossomed like a rose and sup- 
ported in mucb affluence a population of 10,000,000. The moun- 
tains have long been denuded. Forbidding slopes, barren and 
ugly, rear their weird forms sharply above dismal and desolate 
valleys. Scarcely ^00,000 people remain in all the region, and 
most of these are in hopeless and abject poverty. 

The valley of Babylon, where once stood the metropolis of 
the world, is abandoned and forlorn. Nineveh, the magnificent 
city of the ancients, is- buried beneath the shifting sands of 
time. Desert wastes cover the sites of Carthage and Tyre and 
Sidon, yet bountiful nature once provided for these places its 
richest gifts of fertility and abundance. Antioch is gone and 
all Syria is a scene of irreparable ruin. The destruction of her 
forests, followed by the disappearance of her soil and the de- 
cay of her industries, foreshadowed the inevitable result. Man 
destroyed the forests, and the lands which once flowed with 
milk and honey were transformed into desert wastes. One- 
third of China, it is said, has been rendered uninhabitable, and 
the ruined hills of southern Italy will no longer support their 
population, and testify in mute eloquence the consequence of 
forest Slaughter. Is such a mournful record of devastation and 
destruction, of decay and annihilation, to be repeated in Amer- 
14201—7809 



ica? I trust not. But I warn my fellow-countrymen that if 
the carnival of loot of our natural resources is not stopped, and 
speedily stopped, a ad the forests administered for perpetual use, 
history will repeat itself, and the inevitable must follow here 
as in other lands. We can not escape if we destroy principal 
and interest. Let us do our duty now or sooner or later this 
will be a national issue that will sweep all opposition aside. 

The intelligent conservation of our wonderful natural re- 
sources means much to our glorious country now, and much 
more in lasting benefits to future generations. The willful 
waste of these natural resources — the devastation of our for- 
ests, the destruction of our watersheds, the elimination of our 
rivers — means decay and death and desert wastes, means in the 
centuries yet to come the conditions we now witness in north- 
ern Africa, in western Asia, in Italy, and in Spain. The world 
is learning by experience. We must learn in the same school. 
"We can not have our cake and eat it, too. We can not violate 
natural laws with impunity; we can not neglect fundamental 
principles and escape the consequences; we can not decimate 
our forests and have our rivers, too, and without them our 
fertile fields will ere long be barren wastes. Shall the history 
of the ancients repeat itself here? Shall we never take heed? 
In the story of the past let us realize the duty of the present, and 
by intelligently responding to the essential demands of the hour 
we will be true to our trust, true to humanity, true to ourselves, 
and future generations appreciating our work will rise up and 
call us blessed. [Applause.] 

The SPEAKER. The time of the gentleman from New York 
has expired. 

44201— 7S00 

o 



Our Postal Express. 
SPEECH 

OF 

HON. WILLIAM SULZER, 

op new york, 
In the House of Representatives, 

Thursday, June 9, 1910. 

The House having under consideration the hill (S. 5876) to establish 
postal savings depositories for depositing savings at interest with the 
security of the Government for the repayment thereof, and for other 

purposes — 

Mr. SULZER said: 

Mr. Speaker : I am in favor of a parcels post. I believe the 
people of the country generally favor it, and I feel confident its 
establishment will be of inestimable benefit and advantage to all 
concerned. The post-office is one of the oldest of governmental 
institutions, an agency established by tbe earliest civilization to 
enable them to inform themselves as to the plans and movc« 
ments of their friends and foes ; and from the dawn of history 
the only limit upon this service has been the capacity of the 
existing transport machinery. 

The cursus publicus of imperial ROme — the post-office of the 
Roman Caesars — covered their entire business of transportation 
and transmission, and with its splendid post-roads, swift post- 
horses, and ox post-wagons the Roman post-office was a mechan- 
ism far wider in its scope than that of our modern post-office; 
and except for the use of mechanical power, the old Roman 
post was far more efficient in its service of the Roman rulers 
than is our modern post-office in the service of the American 
citizen. 

The evil of the Roman post-office and of the royal postal serv- 
ices that succeeded it was their common restriction to the en- 
richment of the ruling powers. They were the prototypes of 
our modern private railway and express companies, which have 
for their chief end the enrichment of their managers rather than 
the promotion of the public welfare. In this country the citizen 
owns the post-office and wants to use it as his transportation 
company. Its end is to keep him informed as to what his 
representatives are doing at the centers of public business, to 
make known to them his wishes, and to provide means by which 
he may communicate with his fellow-citizens for their mutual 
benefit, and to supply his wants and dispose of his wares at Hie 
least possible cost, in the shortest possible time, and with Hie 
greatest possible security. 

The postal system of rales, regardless of distance, regardless 

of the character of the mailer transported, and regardless of 

the volume of the patron's business, eminently fits it for this 

great service. That it will sooner or later be greatly extended 

4.M79— 9179 



over the entire field of public transportation, Is absolutely cer- 
tain; :uiii the people will duly appreciate the aid of those who 
tension and development. As tar back as 1837, 
Rowland Hill, of England, promulgated to the world the law 
thai once a public transport service is m operation, the cost 
of its use is regardless the distance traversed upon the moving 
machinery by any unit of traffic within its capacity, and upon 
this law he established the English penny-letter post of 1839. 
the 21s1 of February, 1849, Congressman Palfrey, of 
ichusetts, in the course of a speech in behalf of a uniform 
i letter post, spoke as follows: 
The Idea of charging higher postage on a letter on account of tho 
distance it travels is an ibsnrdrty, says Rowland Hill. Ir Is not 
a matter of Inference, hut a matter of fact, that the expense of a ]><,.,(.- 
office is practicall; i whether a letter Is going from London to a 

it miles distant or to Edlnburg, 397 miles. An average rate that 
will, in the . defray the whole coat of transportation on the 

short routes will, In tl. ■•■ defray the whole cost of transporta- 

tion! for the whole service consists, iu their respective localities, of 
short n 

,\s to the effect Of a system of uniform rates on tho public 
welfare. Judge Cooley, the lirst chairman of the Interstate Com- 
merce Commission, speaking of the uniform rate on milk trans- 
ported by rail to New York to 1888, when tho uniform rate cov- 
ered distances op to !!-<» miles, said of the system: 

It has served the people well. It tends to promote consumption and 
to stimulate production. It is not apparent that any other 1 

that wenid present results equally useful <>r store just. 
: upon the whole, the besl system that could be devised for the 

general good of all engaged in the traffic. 

Tn his great work, The Economic Theory of Railway Location, 
Arthur M. Wellington says : 

As b matter of purely public policy — that is to say, if the ta1 
of the rail- leal with the interests of the community as 

a whole — railway rates should he the same for all distances. 

The Hun. L. S. Collin, late railroad commissioner of Iowa, 
said thai the position of Iowa as ihe foremost of siates in agri- 
culture was due to the system of uniform rales on her farm and 
dairy products that had put her on a level as to cost of trans- 
portation with Idealities 000 or 1.000 miles nearer the great 
n( trade. To this custom, he said, was due the fact that 
his farm — a thousand miles farther from the great markets of 
Sfew York and Boston — was worth as niueh for dairy purposes 
as forms in New York or Vermont. It was this application of 
the postal principle to railway traffic that had brought to him 
his prosperity and had enabled him to so educate his children 
that they could be as intelligent as the children of farmers 
living near the great markets and educational centers. 

The railroad expert, Prof. Hugo B. .Meyer, stated that the one 
tiling that had done more than all others for the development of 
this country was the Common custom of the railways — in their 
through traffic — to group large districts of territory with ■ 
uniform rate, regardless of distances. It was this that had 
made possible the wonderful growth of agriculture in the West 
and of manufactures in the Bast. 

President Tut tie. of the Boston and Maine Railroad, speaking 
on the subject, said : 

Tho boot and shoe industry of New England flourishes because of 
the common rate, U cents a pair on shoes carried 20 to 1,400 miles. 
48479—9179 



The barbed-wire industry of Worcester, Mass., continues to employ 
8,000 hands because of Worcester's common rate with Pittsburg to all 
the West. The textile industries of Massachusetts flourish because of 
their grouped rates over a good part of the United States. 

And then Mr. Tuttle went on to tell how a postal system of 
rates not only preserves but creates industries, and brings into 
being new towns, and illustrated it by the story of the creation 
and growth of the little town of Millinocket, in Maine, that had 
come into being as the result of the uniform rates upon paper 
1 mile to 1,500 miles that he had given to a Maine paper mill to 
induce them to settle there. 

As a result — 

He said — ■ 
we have this place Millinocket, with its schools, churches, streets, elec- 
tric lights, and its population of three or four thousand — requiring 
unquestionably, numerous small stores and small dealers — who live as 
comfortably as they do anywhere in the world, a place where ten years 
ago it was primeval forest. 

Mr. Speaker, if there is any lesson to be drawn from these 
statements, it is that if this Congress has at heart the welfare 
of our farmers and of our smaller communities, if it desires to 
bring new life to abandoned farms and decadent towns, if it 
would make it possible for small towns and small dealers to live, 
then it will at this session of Congress extend the postal service 
to the widest possible limits. 

On the 10th of June, 1ST0, the Hon. Charles Sumner, of Mas- 
sachusetts, congratulated the Senate, of which he was a Mem- 
ber, that slavery being dead, one more step might well be 
taken in behalf of a wider economic liberty by the establishment 
of a 1-cent letter rate, and this is his language : 

Not to make money, but to promote the welfare of the people and to 
increase the happiness of all. such is the precious object I would pro- 
pose, and here I ask no such question as "Will it pay?" It may not 
pay in revenue at once, but it will pay in what is above price. 

Unhappily, the post-office, whether at home or abroad, has 
been from the beginning little more than a taxing machine, a 
contrivance to make money, and do as little for the people as 
possible. In England it was at times farmed out to the specu- 
lator, and then it was charged with the support of a royal mis- 
tress or favorite. For its profits only was it regarded and not 
for its agency in the concerns of life. In oilier respects it was 
not unlike the government, which was simply a usurpation for 
the benefit of a few. All this is much changed now, for the peo- 
ple know that government is a mere agency for their good. 

Instead of a taxing machine, a contrivance for making 
money, the post-office should be an agency for good, reach- 
ing out its multitudinous hands with help and comfort into all 
the homes in our widespread land. 

"Without the post-office where would be that national unity, 
with its guaranty of equal rights to all, which is the glory of 
the sisterhood of States? 

The postal savings system and parcels post was inaugurated 
in England largely through the efforts of the great Commoner, 
William E. Gladstone. Near the close of his life he made the 
following statement about it: 

The i>'>si office savings bank and parcels post is the most Important 
Institution which has been created In the last flfty years tor the welfare 
of the people. 1 consider the act which called the Institution into ex- 
istence as the most useful and fruitful of my long career. 

48479—0170 



It is because we realize these (ruths so keenly that we are bo 
persistent in urging favorable consideration of a parcels post 

Its only fault is iis conservatism. What this country now 
. wii.it Congress should give tt, is a parcels post covering 
much of the business of public transportation. 

Mr. Speaker, imbued with these views and conscious of the 
t s of the people, I prepared and introduced in Congress a 

bill to Inaugurate a parcels post. It is a short bill, and r send 

it to the Chrk's desk, and ask to have it road hi my time as 
a part of my remarks. 

The Clerk read as follows: 

A bill [by Mr. Sulzeb; H. R. 26581] to reduce postal rates, to Improve 
the postal service, and to increase postal revenues. 
Be It i naoted, etc, That the common weight limit of the domestic 

service of the United Stains is hereby lucre — I toll pounds, the common 
limit of the Universal Postal Union, ami that in the general bu 
of the post-office the 1 cent an ounce rate on general merchandise — 
fourth-class mail matter — be, and is hereby, reduced to the third class 
rad', 1 cent for each 2 ounces or fraction then 

Sec. 2. That the rate on local letters or scaled parcels posted for 
delivery within the free-delivery services is herebj determined at 2 
cents on pareels up to 4 ounces, 1 cent on each additional 2 ounces; at 
nondelivery offices, 1 cent for each 2 ounces. 

Sec. 3. That all mail matter collected and delivered within the dif- 
ferent rural routes of the United States i> hereby determined to be in 
one class, with rates, door to door, between the different houses and 
places of business and the post-office or post-offices on each route, ;ts 
follows: On parcels up to one twenty-fourth of a cubic Coot, or l by 
6 by 12 inches in dimensions and up to 1 pound in weight, 1 
on larger parcels up to one half a cubic foot, or 6 by 12 by 12 inches 
in dimensions and up to it pounds in weight, •"> cents; on larger par- 
i to 1 cubic foot. 6 by 12 by 2! I in 6 ms ami up to 

25 pounds in weight, 10 cents. No parcels shall be over 6 
length, and in no case shall a carrier be obliged to transport a load 
of over 500 pounds. 

Sec. 4. That on all unregistered prepaid mail matter without de- 
clared value an indemnity up to $10 shall be paid by the lost-office 
Department for such actual loss or damage as may occur through the 
fault of the postal service, ami ihis without extra charge. Certificates 
of posting shall be provided on demand. On registered parcels of de- 
clared value, and on which the fee for registration, insurance, and 
has been duly prepaid, the Tost Office Department shall pay the 
full value of any direct loss or damage that: may occur thropgb the 
fa nit of the postal service. The foes for Insurance and registration 
shall lie as follows: I'm- registration and insurance up to $50, 10 cents: 
f..r each additional $50, 2 cents. No claim for compensation will be 
admitted \> ated within one year after the parcel is po 

Sue. 5. That all acts and parts of acts Inconsistent with this act are 
hereby repealed. 

Sec. d. That this act shall take effect six months from and after the 
date of approval thereof. 

Mr. STJLZER. Mr. Speaker, the bill Just read by the ClerS 
Is self-explanatory, and if enacted into law will accomplish the 
purpose desired. Let me call the attention of the Bouse to the 
absurd postal taxes which this bill proposes to consolldl 
the rate of 8 cents a pound : 

Printed books and pamphlets $0. 08 

Blank books . if. 

Printed cards . us 

Blank cards . 10 

Raw chestnuts . us 

' I eho-llMls . 1'", 

Holiday earde printed on anything but paper . V> 

Holiday cards, paper . 66 

Onions for eating . 16 

Onions tor planting .08 

Advertisements on plain paper .us 

Advertisements on blotting paper ■ 16 

i . peas, potat _ .16 

Beans, peas, potatoes, etc., for planting , .03 

48470—9179 



Compare this system of postal rates with its 4-pound weight 
limit with that provided by the Postmaster-General in the 
postal express arrangements made by him with foreigners: 

Weight limit 11 pounds, with its common rate for all mer- 
chandise posted from the United States to foreign countries, 12 
cents a pound; and from foreign countries to the United States: 
From Austria : 

4} pounds $0. 35 

11 pounds . 36 

From Italy : 

7 pounds . 39 

11 pounds . 79 

From Norway : 

2\ pounds . 10 

11 pounds .96 

From Germany : 

4* pounds .33 

11 pounds . SI 

From Belgium : 

4A pounds . 35 

11 pounds 1. 10 

United Slates foreign rates: 

We'isfrt limit 11 pounds. Common rate 12 cents a pound — 

2i pounds .36 

7 pounds ' . 84 

11 pounds 1.32 

United States domestic service: 

YYerj'hl limit: 4 pounds. Common rate 1 cent per ounce, 16 
cents per pound — 

2. 1 , pounds . 36 

7 pounds (2 parcels) 1. 12 

11 pounds (3 parcels) 1.76 

Let me also call attention to the following discriminations 
of our private express companies in favor of the foreign 
Citizen against the American citizen. Under the English post- 
American express arrangement English postal parcels now come 
to the United States as follows: Three pounds for 60 cents, 
7 pounds for S4 cents, 11 pounds for $1.0S, and the ex- 
press company transports these parcels from New York City at 
a common rate for the whole country of 24 cents a parcel. 
Meantime the express company taxes domestic merchandise of 
the same weights from 25 cents to $3.20, according to the dis- 
tance traversed, while Congress taxes the public for a similar 
domestic service on a o-pound parcel 4S cents, 7 pounds in two 
p;i reels $1.32, 11 pounds in three parcels $1.76. 

In April last representatives of at least 10,000.000 American 
voters* including the great, agricultural associations of the 
country. National Grange, the Farmers' Union, the Farmers' 
National Congress, Retail Dry Goods Association of New York, 
1he Associated Retailers of St. Lonis. the manufacturing per- 
fumers of l lie United States, the American Florist Association, 
and others, appeared before the House Postal Committee, de- 
manding a domestic express post as extended and as cheap as 
that provided by the Pc*rmaster-<xercernl in out foreign postal 
service. The argument in behalf of this legislation, with its 
•4-pouud weight limit, had then been hel'oro the committee tor 
many months, bul the bill w,-is oxA np to the demands of these 

friends of tie post-office. The report of the hearing showed that 
the public wanli d an I 1-pmmd service ;il least. Seldom, if ever, 

has any proposition received a stronger public support, and it 
seemed as if the House Committee on Post-Offices would be 
obliged to report at least some legislation hack to the House for 
its consideration, 

48-170— 0179 



6 

Their answer finally came on t lio 27tli of May In the Bhape of 
II. u. 26348) Introduced by Chairman John \v. Weeks, which 
provides: 

That nil mail matter of the fourth clasB shall !><• Bubjecl to examina- 
tion and i" a postage the rate of three-fourths of l cenl an 
ounce or fraction then prepaid by Btampa affixed — Btampa of 
the following denominations: 

Cents. 

1 ounce : i 

" ounces li 

;; ounces , ui 

4 minces .'! 

f> ounces :'<i 

6 ounces 4J 

7 ounces 51 

8 ounces 6 

On the 1st of June Mr. Weeks wrote to the secretary of the 
Postal Progress League as follows: 

ir do ■■ to me likely that any other parcel 

than possibly the bill which I introduced lasl week— this bill — providing 
for the reduction in rale on fourth-class matter, will be considered at 
this session of Congress. 

This means thai for al Icasf two years more the American 
people are to be lei'i subject to the extortions of the rich and 
powerful express companies, while we have in tbe postroffice a 
well-equipped service of our own through whicb much of the 
s business now carried on by these companies could be 
done quicker and at infinitely less cost. 

.Mr. speaker, it' the powers arraigned against (lie post-office 
continue their efforts to limil its functions in behalf of private 
interests, they will soon find themselves confronted with a Con- 
gress pledged i<> extend the service of the post-office i" a 
larger degree of the public transmission business; and : 
I think it wise thai my bill should now be brought before the 
House for immediate consideration. 

In his notable postal programme of 1862, suggesting a world 
postal union. Postmaster-General Montgomery Blair proposed 
a system of postal insurance providing an indemnity up to $10 
for the loss or damage of matter handled in the mails. Tins 
wise suggestion soon became the common law of the progressive 
world outside the United States, but for over thirty years his 
successors deliberately refused to provide any indemnity for 
the l.ss or damage of any kind of mail matter in the postal 
service for which they were responsible; and e\on now we con- 
fine our liability for the losses that occur in the mails under 
our management of the people's business to $50, and this 
applies only to sealed parcels that have paid a registration fee 
of 10 cents, while a similar fee on an English postal parcel 
carries insurance in (lie postal service of England up to $300. 

The neglecl of the United states to establish a proper parcels 
post has so far limited the easy exchange "f commodities ami 
merchandise between manufacturers and consumers that it is 
making our Government appear to be away behind the times as 
Compared with some foreign nations, such, for instance, as Eng- 
land, Prance, and Germany. It is a fact to-day that an Amer- 
ican in England can send home by mail to any part of the United 
States a parcel weighing two and one-half times more than the 
United States limit for about one-third less in cost than the 
d home rates. In other words, the world postal-union 
48479—9179 



package unit is 11 pounds to the parcel, at the rate of 12 cents 
per pound, whereas the United States unit is only 4 pounds to 
the package, at a cost of 1G cents to the pound. The parcel 
rate in the United States prior to 1874 was S cents per pond 
for a package limited to a weight of 4 pounds. After that nie 
rate was donbled, hut the weight remained the same. Since 
1874 the cost of transportation has greatly decreased. The 
question is, why Should not the people be given the benefit of 
this decrease by the establishment of a uniform low postal rate 
for parcels that will encourage the use of the post-office as a 
medium of exchange of commodities, and thus greatly facilitate 
trade? 

Since the introduction of the rural free-delivery system in 
this country, its operation has proved so satisfactory and so 
successful that Congress overlooks the annual deficit arising 
from the unreasonable restriction placed in the law limiting 
the kind of postal matter to be carried to letters, newspapers, 
and periodicals. The weight of this average load is ascertained 
to be but 25 pounds per trip, while the vehicle which the postal 
agent is required to supply can readily carry at least 200 
pounds. It is estimated that should the restriction be removed 
and parcels be carried enough revenue would be received from 
the additional postage to more than pay the total cost of the sys- 
tem, and not only make it self-supporting, but largely decrease 
the annual postal deficit. 

The Post-Oflice report of 1909 shows a loss to the public in 
our registered-mail service of $200,000, and for tliis loss we 
returned to our constituents only $18,000. On unsealed mer- 
chandise we acknowledge no liability whatever for the loss or 
damage of property intrusted to us by our constituents. Con- 
trast this system of postal insurance with that of Great Britain. 
In the British domestic postal service the ordinary rates of 
postage on unsealed parcels — letters, so called — 2 cents on par- 
cels up to 4 ounces, 1 cent on each additional 2 ounces, S cents 
a pound; in the British parcels-post service, unsealed parcels 
6 cents the first pound, 2 cents each additional pound, carry 
insurance up to .$10 on parcels not of declared value: and oil 
parcels of declared value the British 4-cent registration fee 
carries insurance up to $25, 6-cent up to $100 and the payment 
of an additional fee of 2 cents carries an additional insurance 
of $100 up to $2,000. 

The common rate of the foreign and colonial parcels post of 
Great Britain is 24 cents for 3 pounds; larger parcels up to 7 
pounds, 48 cents; for yet larger parcels up to 11 pounds, 72 
cents; and these rates on parcels of a bulk 1 by 1 by 2 feet, 
twice the bulk of our proposed local rural service, carry insur- 
ance up to $5, while an insurance fee of 8 cents insures these 
foreign and colonial bound parcels up to $60; and an addi- 
tional indemnity of $G0 is provided on the payment of an addi- 
tional fee of 2 cents up to $2,000. 

Our failure to provide a reasonable parcels service on the 
rural routes is causing to the Post-Oflice a needless loss of full 
$2S,000,000 a year and to the rural public a loss of hundreds 
of millions, while at the same time we deprive the carriers of 
an opportunity to earn a reasonable living. 

Estimating the needs of the average rural family to require 
the posting of but one 10-cent— one suit case — packet a week to 
48479—9179 



8 

and from the post town and the home, onr proposed Improve- 
menl of the Free Rural Service would increase the postal reve- 
nues from our 4,000,000 rural families upward of 140,000,000 a 
year, if the Bervice saved the average rural family bul one 
trip to ami from Its posl town in four weeks, then according to 
the estimated cosl of such a trip by the Fourth Assistanl Post- 
r-General $2.25 — the saving of the entire population of 
the rural routes would be over $117,000,000 a year. 

In the general service of the Post-Office the mailing of bul 25 
pounds of merchandise a year by the average American family 
nt the new 8-cent-a-pound common-merchandise rate would in- 
crease the merchandise income of the Post-Office from the about 
$8,000,000 Of 1907 to over $32,000,000, and the mailing Of B simi- 
lar amount by the average City family under their new local 
2-cent 4 ounce sealed parcels post would add a local city income 
of fully $10,000,000. 

JOMB 13, 1910. 
Hon. William Sdlzbr, M. C, 

Washington, D. C. 

Mr Dbab Sin: 1 wish to congratulate you on Introducing the Im- 
proved parcels-post bill to provide tor a domestic parcels-posl on an 
equality with the universal parcels-post, having some improvi 
added. ' 

it is a One bill and ought to be popular, especially when the express 
companies' profits are so huge and their system of increasing the ter- 
minal charges for delivery of goods in accordance to the distance they 
carry the goods on the railroad is considered, [f you ever gel the 
Committee on Post-Roads to report your bill, either favorably or ad- 

!,, to the House, the express companies' operations of ch 
such nigh rates for local delivery will afford a magnificent ai 
for the establishing of a genuine parcels-post on the basis of a uniform 
rate regardless of distance. That is what the people and merchants 
want and what the combined express companies do not want. It the 
vote on the postal savings-bank bill is any criterion of the feeling in 
Congress, there should be a good prospect to expect a favorable i 
-post. 

In England the express companies use the parcels-post to send their 

light-weight merchandise to distant cities to their local agents there, 

and they (the agents) deliver the goods to the consignees at their 

of business. Places near large cities the express 

company delivers for less than the English parcels-post rate. 

Another possibility soon to arise is the aerial letter and light par- 
cel- post, to be carried even at less cosl than the railroad charges. Just 

think of the letters carried today from New York to Philadelphia by 
Ham 111 on I 

I believe the post-bank bill ran be amended at another session to util- 
vou suggest a portion of the surplus In road building, it is a 
good Idea, economical, patriotic, constitutional, and should be encour- 
aged but at the Start it may seem radical to some. 

With the hope that we may get some parcels-post legislation, I 
remain, 

Yours, sincerely, Frederick C. Beach, 

President Postal Progress League 

ami Editor of Scientific American, 

48479—9170 

o 



Trade With Central America — Guatemala. 
SPEECH 

OP 

HOIST. WILLIAM SULZEE, 

of new york, 
In the House of Kepresentatives, 

Friday, July 9, 1909, 
On the following resolution : 

"Resolved, That the House of Representatives take from the Speak- 
er's table and nonconcur in gross in the Senate amendments to House 
bill No. 1438, entitled ' An act to provide revenue, equalize duties and 
encourage the industries of the United States, and for other purposes ' 
and agree to the conference asked for by the Senate on the disagree- 
ing votes of the two Houses ; and that a committee of conference be 
appointed forthwith ; and said committee shall have authority to join 
with the Senate committee in renumbering the paragraphs and sec- 
tions of said bill when finally agreed upon." 

Mr. SULZER said: 

OUR SISTER REPUBLICS IN CENTRAL AMERICA. 

Mr. Speaker : At this time, and before the pending tariff bill 
is finally enacted into law, I desire to reiterate the hope so 
often expressed by me in Congress and out of Congress that 
something be done — that some provision be written in this 
legislation — to bring about closer political ties, broader mar- 
kets, and freer commercial relations with our progressive 
sister republics in Central America. 

A GREAT FIELD. 

Here is a great field — a splendid opportunity — it seems to me 
for our industrial expansion and for our commercial extension : 
and now is the time, in my opinion, for the representatives in Con- 
gress of the people of the United States to exercise a little politi- 
cal sagacity and exhibit a grain of good business foresight in the 
enactment of this tariff legislation that will mean much commer- 
cially as the years come and go to our producers, to our mer- 
chants, to our manufacturers, and to all the people of our country. 

THE TEOPLE OF CENTRAL AMERICA OUR FRIENDS. 

And yet, sir, I regret to say, as I have frequently said before, 
that not a line has thus far been written, by either the House 
or the Senate, in the pending legislation, looking to closer politi- 
cal ties and to the expansion of our trade and commerce with 
these friendly and neighborly countries. Not a thing lias been 
done for its accomplishment, and I am frank to say it is a great 
political blunder and a greater commercial mistake. As [view 

the Situation we either attempt on the one hand to go too far 
afield seeking trade at great expense in far distant lands, or 
we display on the other hand a sad lack of knowledge of exist- 
ing conditions at home by denying trade at our doors thai Is as 
1753—8512 



detrimental to mir besl Interests as it Is deplorable In our states- 
manship. The people of Central America are onr real friends, 
and they should be our i>rst customers; and they would be our 
lies; customers 11 we only bad the commercial sense and the 
political wisdom to deal with them fairly and justly and recip- 
rocally along lines mutually advantageous. 

a ii.i:a rois ntSEB mai:ki 

Hence, sir. I repeal that I Indulge a last lingering hope that 
ere the pending tariff bill becomes a law a paragraph will be 
written in its provisions for freer markets ami closer com- 
mercial relations with these progressive countries based on the 
equitable principles of closer political lies and trues reciprocal 
relations. As 1 have said before, 1 do not care lmw it is done; 
I have no vanity in the matter; I am wedded to no partisan 
policy; but I want to see it accomplished at the earliest possible 
day for the benefit of our own people and in the interest of all 
the people in Central America, I know it can easily be done, 
and if it is not done now we are simply blind to our owb indus- 
trial welfare and to our own commercial opportunities. 

WHY ABB WB ItLINH TO OlTOiaTMTY? 

Sir. the statistics conclusively show that this Central Ameri- 
can trade at our very doors is growing more important and be- 
coming more valuable every year. Why should we longer ig- 
nore itV European countries are doing their best to secure it, 
and the fads prove that they are getting the most of it at the 
presold time, very much to our detriment and to our disad- 
vantage. Why will our people always be blind commercially to 
their own best interests and to their own greatest opportunities? 
Why spend millions of dollars annually seeking trade in the 
Orient when the commerce of all Central America — richer than 
the Indies — is knocking at our door'.' Let us obliterate the ob- 
stacles in the way. tear down the barriers Selfish interests have 

erected, and open wide the doors to welcome this commerce ere 

it is tOO late and the golden opportunity be lost forever. 

NOW IS T1IH ACCKl'Ti:i> TIME. 

Now is the accepted time. These Central American countries 

are anxiously awaiting the outcome of our deliberations. They 
long for some evidence Of our political friendship and OUT com- 
mercial sincerity. They want to trade with us. They will meet 
us more than hallway. They will study every line of this 
tariff bill when it becomes a law to see if it welcomes or aban- 
dons their hopes. Shall we disappoint their most sanguine 
expectations? Shall we ignore this most valuable trade, these 
great commercial opportunities, and give these splendid markets 
wholly and entirely to Germany and to England? I trust not; 
and s.\ I say again I hope ere we adjourn and the pending tariff 
bill becomes a law. there will be written in it a just and fail- 
provision for open markets, freer trade, and unrestricted com- 
e between the United States and all our sister republics in 
Central America. 

GUATEMALA A WOXDr.UI.AXO. 

Mr. Speaker, let me say that among the largest Importers 
and exporters from and to the United States in Central America 

is Guatemala— one of the richest and most progressive repub- 
lics in Latin America, and a Republic extremely friendly to 
1753—8512 



this Republic. Guatemala is a wonderland — a place of ideals 
and a country of contrasts. I have recently been there, and I 
know whereof I speak, and I say without fear of successful 
contradiction that Guatemala is now, and always has been, 
the loyal and consistent friend of the United States. Her nat- 
ural resources are rich beyond the dreams of avarice, and as yet 
they have barely been scratched. The people of Guatemala 
want our trade, and we want their trade. They look to us for 
aid, and we should extend to them a helping hand in their 
onward march to greater industrial development. 

PRESIDENT ESTRADA CABRERA. 

Under the wise, farseeing, patriotic, and progressive adminis- 
tration of President Manuel Estrada Cabrera, Guatemala is 
rapidly developing her wonderful resources, and instead of clos- 
ing our doors to her valuable products by restrictive tariff 
taxes, in my opinion we should open them wider to her grow- 
ing trade and do all in our power to facilitate closer bonds of 
friendship and better commercial relations with the Republic 
of Guatemala — the most enterprising land in all Central Amer- 
ica. We want her products. She wants our products. I am 
now, and always have been, a friend of Guatemala. I kuow 
her people. They are among the most generous and the most 
hospitable people in all the world; and I am williug to go as 
far as any man, in Congress or out of Congress, to wipe out 
tariff barriers in order to secure a fairer exchange of products 
between the United States and this glorious little Republic of 
Central America. 

RESTORE OUR MERCHANT MARINE. 

Then, too, sir, in connection with the expansion of our trade 
and commerce with the countries in Central America we should 
provide for adequate steamship service by discriminating ton- 
nage taxes in favor of American-built ships carrying the 
American flag and manned by American sailors. This policy 
will go far to restore our merchant marine and give us a share 
of the deep-sea carrying trade of the westeYn world. Next to 
securing the trade is the ability to transport it, and we should 
transport all this commerce in our own ships in order to build 
up our own merchant marine; and we can easily accomplish 
it, as I have frequently pointed out. by a graduated system of 
tonnage taxes in favor of American-built ships and against 
foreign-built ships. This was the policy of the early states- 
men of our country, and it will not take a dollar out of the 
Treasury or a penny out of the pockets of our taxpayers. We 
must construct our own ships to get this trade: we must build 
our own merchant marine to command this commerce. The 
trade of Central America must be ours; it will be ours if (his 
Cougress will now only do its duly and brush away the COb- 
webs of the past and break down the barriers which now impede 
its consummation. Enlightened public opinion favors this move- 
ment, and I will go as far as any man in Congress to bring it 
about. 

THE WOBS or JOHN BARRETT. 

Sir. it is only just and proper for me to say at tins time what 
I have said before on several oeeasions that the good work that 
is being done and has been done along these lines hy the Hon. 

John Barrett, the very able and efficient and experienced i>i- 

1733—8512 



rector of the Bureau <>f the American Republics is to be most sin- 
cerely commended. 1 1< - is the right man In the right place. 
His indefatigable labors are beginning to bear fruit, but I am 
sorry to say that his earnest efforts arc very little appreciated 
at home, though very generously applauded by the far-seeing 
statesmen of our Bister republics. 

THBIB SUCCESS OUK SUCCESS. 

Mr. Speaker, the people of these Central American countries 
are the true friends of the United states; they look to us tor 
protection and sisterly Sympathy; they need our help in their 
industrial progress; they desire our aid in the marketing of 
their products; they want our financial assistance in the develop- 
ment of their great natural resources; and their resources anil 
their products art' greater and richer than those of countries far 
away across the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. We should aid 
them in their struggle for better conditions; we should extend 
to them a helping hand in their onward march of progress ; we 
should glory in their prosperity. Their success is our success. 
They are rapidly forging to the front; their exports and im- 
ports are increasing annually; their trade is becoming more 
and more important; their commerce more and more valuable; 
and instead of closing our doors by prohibitive tariff taxes 
against these countries and their products, in my opinion we 
should open them wider and do everything in our power to 
hasten closer political ties and facilitate freer trade and com- 
mercial relations. 

WITE OCT TAUIFF BAUUIEUS. 

We want their products and they want our products, and all 
tariff barriers erected to prevent a fairer and more reciprocal 
exchange of goods, wares, and merchandise between us and these 
countries should, in so far as possible, be wiped out and elimi- 
nated. It will be for the best interest of the people of our own 
country, to the lasting benefit of the people of these Central 
American countries, and for the mutual advantage of each and 
all — binding us together in closer political ties of friendship and 
making for the peace and the prosperity and the industrial 
progress of the times. 

175:;— So 12 

O 



The Russian Passport Question. 



SPEECH 

OP 

HON". WILLIAM SULZEE, 

of new york, 

In the House of Representatives, 

December 13, 1911. 

TREATY BETWEEN RUSSIA AND THE UNITED STATES. 

Mr. SULZER (when the Committee on Foreign Affairs was 
called) said : 

Mr. Speaker : I call up House joint resolution 166, providing 
for the termination of the treaty of 1832 between the United 
States and Russia, which I send to the desk and ask to have 
read. 

The Clerk read as follows: 
House joint resolution 166, providing for the termination of the treaty 
of 1832 between the United States and Russia. 

Resolved, etc., That the people of the United States assert as a funda- 
mental principle that the rights of its citizens shall not be impaired at 
home or abroad because of race or religion ; that the Government of the 
United States concludes its treaties for the equal protection of all 
classes of its citizens, without regard to race or religion : that the Gov- 
ernment of the United States will not be a party to any treaty which 
discriminates, or which by one of the parties thereto is so construed 
as to discriminate, between American citizens on the ground of race or 
religion ; that the Government of Russia has violated the treaty between 
the United States and Russia, concluded at St. Petersburg December 18, 
1832, refusing to honor American passports duly issued to American 
citizens, on account of race and religion ; that iii the judgment of the 
Congress the said treaty, for the reasons aforesaid, ought to be ter- 
minated at the earliest possible time; that for the aforesaid reasons 
the said treaty is hereby declared to be terminated and of no further 
force and effect from the expiration of one year after the date of noti- 
fication to the Government of Russia of the terms of this resolution. 
and that to this end the President is hereby charged with the duty of 
communicating such notice to the Government of Russia. 

Mr. SULZER. Mr. Speaker, the joint resolution just read 
by the Clerk of the House of Representatives speaks for itself 
and demands the abrogation of the Russian treaty concluded in 
St. Petersburg in 1S32, because for nearly half a century Russia 
has persistently refused to abide by its terms and recognize 
passports of American citizens without discrimination. 

Treaties between nations should be free from ambiguity re- 
garding the rights of their respective citizens to visil and so- 
journ in the country of each other, and should admit of no 
discrimination in favor of some citizens and against other citi- 
zens of either of the high contracting parties, it is customary 
among the nations of the world to recognize without discrimi- 
nation the passports of each, when duly issued and authenti- 
cated, to their respective citizens who desire to travel in other 
countries. 

201G4— 10440 



The question now before the Congress of the United States 
ling this "Russian passport question" resolves itself into 
this: lias Russia by i!i«" treaty of L832 agreed to recognize 
American passports without discrimination? 

To determine the matter it is necessary to road the provision 
in the treaty of 1832 between the United States and Russia. 
Article 1 < i' that treaty reads as follows: 

There shall be between t ho territories of the high contracting parties 
a reciprocal liberty of commerce and navigation. The Inhabitants of 
their respective States shall mutually have liberty to enter the ports, 
and rivers of the territories of each party wherever foreign 
irce Is permitted. Thej shall be at liberty to sojourn and reside 
in all parts whatsoever of said territories, in order to attend t 
affairs, and they shall enjoy, to that effect, the same security and pro- 
tect ion as natives of the country wherein they reside. 

This provision of the treaty seems to be plain and clear, and 
gives citizens of the United States— 

the right to sojourn and reside in all parts of Russia in order to 
to their affairs, and they shall enjoy the same security and 
protection as natives of the country wherein they reside. 

A treaty is the supreme law of the land, and Mr. Justice Field, 
of the United slates Supreme Court, laid down the construction 
of treaties in Geofroy v. Itiggs (133 U. S., 271), in which he 

said: 

It Is a general principle of construction with respect to treaties that 
they shall be liberally construed, so as to carry out the apparent intent 
of the part its to secure equality and reciprocity between them. As they 
are contracts between Independent nations, in their construction, 
words are to be taken in their ordinary meaning, as understood in the 
public law of nations, and not in any artificial or special sense im- 
pressed upon them by local law, unless such restricted sense is clearly 
intended. And it has been held by this court that where a treaty admits 
of two constructions, one restrictive of rights that may be claimed 
under it and the other favorable to them, the hater is to be preferred. 

The treaty with Russia regarding the rights of our people to 
travel and sojourn in Russia is clear and explicit. By virtue of 
its terms I am certain that no discrimination ran he made 
against any American citizen desiring to visit Russia on account 
of race or religion; and when Russia makes this discrimination 
she violates the treaty and perpetrates an act unfriendly to the 
people of the United States. We can not tolerate this injustice 
to some of our citizens, this violation of treaty stipulations, this 
race prejudice, and this religious discrimination. It is foreign 
to the fundamental principles of our free institutions and con- 
trary to everything for which civilization stands at the dawn 
of tie twentieth century. 

Wo assert that the Government of the United States has care- 
fully lived op to its treaty obligations with Russia. We have 
granted to every Russian eoming to this country all the rights 
stipulated in the treaty, irrespective of race or religion. That 
is our construction of tic treaty of 1832 and demonstrates (he 
intention of the United States Government in its concbosian, 

American citizens should have the same rights to visit and 
sojourn in Rus-a'a that Russian citizens have to visit and so- 
journ in the 1'nited States. If they do not, then the treaty is 
violated and it ought to he abrogated. 

The refusal el' Russia to recognize Anuu-ican passports ou 
account of race and religion is a clear violation, in my judgment, 
of the treaty, and the remaining question is one of remedy only. 

The first duty of our Government is to protect the rights of 
its citizens at home and abroad. All that is required on the 
20164—10440 



part of the United States is a firm determination to do its duty 
to all its citizens, to do it at all times, and to do it in all places. 
The seal of the United States on a certificate of citizenship 
should render it valid and make it acceptable by all countries at 
its face value throughout the entire world. Our guarantee 
should be good. 

All argument based on the possible financial injury that may 
be done to those Americans who have business interests in 
Russia dwindles into mere nothingness when we consider that 
human rights and national honor are at stake. It is confi- 
dently believed that American citizens will not listen with equa- 
nimity to any* suggestion which places the dollar above the 
man. Who can be patient when, under existing conditions, we 
are compelled to record the ignominious fact that during the 
past summer the proprietor of one of the most influential 
Jewish newspapers published in New York, who expressed a 
desire to go to Russia, was refused vise of his passport by the 
Russian consul at New York, but had no difficulty in procuring 
such vise from the Russian consul in London? 

Diplomacy of the highest order has been employed in vain 
to bring about a change of policy on the part of the Russian 
Government. Both of the great political parties of this country, 
ever since 1904, in their national platforms declared that it is 
the unquestioned duty of the Government to procure for all our 
citizens, without distinction, the rights of travel and sojourn in 
friendly countries, and have pledged themselves to insist upon the 
just and equal protection of all of our citizens abroad, and have 
declared themselves in favor of all efforts tending to that end. 
They have further pledged themselves to insist upon the just and 
lawful protection of our citizens at home and abroad and to 
use all proper measures to secure for them, whether native born 
or naturalized and without distinction of race or creed, the 
equal protection of our laws and the enjoyment of all rights 
and privileges open to them under the covenants of our treaties 
of friendship and commerce. 

On October 19, 190S, Senator Root, then Secretary of State, 
in a letter to Mr. Jacob H. Schiff, referring to the same subject, 
declared that our Government had never varied in its insistence 
upon equality of treatment for all American citizens who seek 
to enter Russia with passports, without regard to creed or 
origin, and that the administration had repeatedly brought the 
matter to the attention of the Russian Government and urged 
the making of a new treaty for the purpose of regulating the 
subject. The communication concludes: 

We have but very recently received an unfavorable reply to this 
proposal, and we have now communicated to Russia an expression of 
the desire of this Government for the complete revision and amend- 
ment of the treaty of 1832, which provides for reciprocal rights of 
residence and travel on the part of the citizens of the two countries. 
We have expressed our views (hat such a course would be preferable 
to the complete termination of the treaty, subjecting both countries to 
the possibility of being left without any reciprocal rights whatever, 
owing to the delay in the making of a new treaty. 

Seven years have passed since both political parties have 
made these declarations of principle: three years have passed 
since this pointed statement of our State Department, and yet 
conditions are exactly the same as they were 40 years age. there 
has been absolutely no progress in negotiation, the efforts of 
20 1G4— 10440 



diplomacy hare proven futile, and the same discrimination 
among our citizens continues. 

There has thus been Inflicted, and continues to be Inflicted, a 
shameless affront upon the honor of our country and upon the 
integrity of American citizenship. The insult is not upon the 
Individuals as t<> whom there has been discrimination, but 
against the entire body <>r American citizens, because a wrong 
done to one In his capacity as a citizen is a wrong inflicted upon 

every citizen. 

Our Government has been extremely patient and remarkably 
resourceful, yet there is nothing to indicate that anything can 
be accomplished by a continuance of the method's thus far em- 
ployed. Russia believes that our Government has not been 
serious and that its efforts have been ceremonial rather than 
real. The time has come at last when more decisive action is 
required, otherwise there will be good reasons for asserting 
that certain classes of our citizens who have been singled out 
by Russia are under civil disabilities with the implied sanction 
of our Government. 

From a careful and an unprejudiced investigation of all the 
circumstances in this controversy, it seems evident to me, and it 
must be apparent to every sensible and fair-minded person, that 
when the treaty with Russia was concluded it was the intention 
of Russia and the United States that the rights granted by 
Article I of that treaty should extend equally to every citizen of 
this country without discrimination of any kind whatsoever. 

This being so, it is self-evident from the record in the case 
that liussia has fur years continually violated this provision of 
the treaty by refusing to recognize passports granted to Ameri- 
can citizens on account of race or religion. 

This is uot a Jewish question. It is an American question. It 
involves a great principle. It affects the rights of all American 
citizens. Russia not only refuses to recognize American pass- 
ports held by Jews on account of their race or their religion 
but she also refuses, when she sees fit, to recognize American 
passports held by Baptist missionaries, Catholic priests, and 
Presbyterian divines, on account of their religious belief. 

The Government of the United States declares as a funda- 
mental principle that all men are equal before the law regard- 
less of race or religion, and mates no distinction based on the 
creeds or the birthplaces of its citizens in this connection, nor 
can it consistently permit such distinctions to be made by a 
i power. We solemnly assert, and must maintain, that 
the rights of our citizens at home or abroad shall not be im- 
paired on account of race or religion. 

Not the religion, nor the race of a man, but his American 
citizenship is the true test of the treatment he shall receive and 
the rights he shall enjoy under the law at home and abroad. 
This is fundamental. We must adhere to it tenaciously. 

Freedom of religious belief — the right to worship our Maker 
according to the dictates of our conscience — is one of the corner 
stones of our broad institutions, and so jealous of this liberty 
were the fathers that they wrote in the Federal Constitution: 

Congress shall make no law respecting the establishment of religion 
or prohibiting the free exercise thereof. 

"We must maintain this great principle of religious freedom 
inviolate forever. 
201G4— lotto 



5 

Mr. Speaker, what action should the Congress of the United 
States take in this matter? I have given much thought to this 
inquiry and have finally concluded that the best thing we can do 
to remedy this injustice to American citizens is to serve the 
usual official notice of 12 months on Russia that we desire to 
abrogate the treaty of 1S32, and that at the expiration of the 
notice, given in accordance with the terms of the treaty, it 
shall be null and void. 

We must be true to the great principles of justice and free- 
dom and equality on which our Government is founded. We 
must not connive at the discrimination of any American citizen 
on account of his race or his religion or permit any foreign 
power to discriminate against him for these reasons. To do so 
belittles our dignity, is an insult to every American, and makes 
our boast of equal rights to all a hollow mockery. 

Russia must recognize American passports without discrimi- 
nation on account of race or religion, or the Russian treaty 
should be abrogated. Our self-respect demands it. The mem- 
ories of the past dictate it ; our hope for the future commands 
it. No other course is open to the United States, and for this 
Government to submit longer to the violation by Russia of the 
treaty is a humiliation to our sense of justice and to our love 
for our fellow man that merits the condemnation of every 
patriotic citizen in America. 

We are a patient aud a long-suffering people where the ques- 
tion involved does not touch us on our tenderest spot — our 
pocketbooks; but the patriotic awakening has come at last, and 
with it a keen realization of the affronts we have suffered for 
years at the hands of a Government notorious for its lack of 
human sympathy. 

This is not a partisan question. It is an American matter. 
In a dignified way we say to Russia we give you the official 
notice provided for in the treaty to abrogate the same, because 
you have violated it — because it is obsolete — and we want to 
negotiate a new treaty with you in harmony with the spirit of 
the times; and we say to all the world in calmness and in delib- 
eration, the Government of the United States puts human rights 
above commercial gain in writing treaty contracts with the 
powers of the earth. 

Mr. Speaker, this joint resolution introduced by me has been 
unanimously reported from the Committee on Foreign Affairs 
of this House,, and I congratulate my colleagues on the com- 
mittee for their expedition and their broad-minded patriotism 
in tbe matter. Behind this resolution is an overwhelming case 
of treaty violation, as conclusive in its details as it is incon- 
trovertible in its proofs. 

Nevertheless, in adopting to-day this resolution to abrogate 
the Russian treaty we but follow precedent. We do nothing 
new, nothing startling, nothing offensive. We assert a funda- 
mental principle, act advisedly on a vested privilege declare 
that human lights are more important than commercial rights 
for the welfare of a free and a progressive people, and invoke 
the impartial judgment of every liberty-loving and right-think- 
ing citizen in our country on the justification of our action in 
the premises. 

The press and the pulpit, the bench and the bar, the Jew and 
the Gentile, the poor and the rich, the weak and the powerful, 
the Catholic and the Protestant throughout patriotic America 
201G4— 10440 



demand that the Russian treaty be abrogated. The people are 
aroused about the matter as they never have been before over 
the Question, and the time for action by the Congress has come. 

Ti re can be do arbitration of this elemental principle of our 
Government; there must be ao more delay: the matter must be 
settled now and for all time, and a new treaty hereafter nego- 
tiated In which Russia can find no loophole to enable her in the 
future to discriminate against any American citizen on account 
of race or religion; a new treaty that will be up to date; that 
will be in harmony with the twentieth century; that will In- in 
sympathy with human rights; that will not override our Fed- 
eral Constitution; that will not violate our national ideals; and 
that will not dishonor the virtue and the integrity of the pass- 
portS of our splendid and intelligent and patriotic American 
citizenship. [Long and loud applause.] 

Mr. Speaker, 1 ask unanimous consent to print in the Rec- 
ord a few letters from distinguished citizens, which I intended 
to read, but OOul d not for lack of time. 

The SPEAKER. Is there objection? [After a pause.] The 
Chair hoars none. 

The letters follow : 

103 East THIRTJ-FIFTH STREET, 

New York City, December 1, 1011. 

Hon. William Sulzer, 

Chairman Committee on Foreign Affair/), 

House of Representatives, Washington, D. 0. 

My DBAS Mr. Sulzer : It is impossible for me to accept the invita- 
tion you tender me to come lo Washington and be present at tin 

tore the Committee en Foreign Affairs next Monday. Even were 
I to come there is little that I could say. It has all been said and said 
repeatedly and effects 

The resolution which you have introduced seems to me to go directly 
to the point, with no waste of words, no disjoiutcdness in argument, 
and no disguise of purpose. 

The question is not ai all a racial one. although projected by Russia's 
racial discrimination. It is of no present significance whose passports 
it is thai Russia fails to honor or how many or how few of such dis- 
honored passports there may be. One such, issued in due form, if un- 
recognized by ber, and persistently unrecognized, is a breach of 
aational contract and an insult not only to the United States Govern- 
ment, but to every individual citizen under that Government. It is to 
(his individual sens.' of wrong that is due the intense feeling that now 
prevails, our national dignity suffers by our indefinite submission to 
Russia's pertinacious discourtesy and contumely. There is a point at 
which aational forbearance not only ceases to be a virtue but 
mences to ' condition of self-stultification, and at that point 

we seem to nave already arrived. 

The present situation affords us the opportunity to teach Russia a 
less. .n in the art of modern civilization, and it i.- her Ignorance and 
Inappreciation of that art that renders appropriate a more decisive 

and drastic method Of dealing with Inn- than might be allowable were 
she standing at a level with the more advanced najtlons with whom 
such terms as treaty, compact, probity, and honor carry a significance 
of which Russia appears to he altogether inappreclatlve. 

I believe, sir, that the adoption of the resolution introduced by you, 
. to the abrogation of the existing treaty with Russia, will afford 
• ■ satisfaction not only to our Jewish friends but to the great 
mass of American cltl 

Yours, respectfully, C. II. Pabkhurst. 

New York, December 8, 1911. 
Hon. William Bdlzer, 

Chairman of thi litee on Foreign Affair.*, 

lii ust if Representatives, Washington, D. C. 
My DEAR Mr. SOLZBR: I am unfortunately unable to go to Washington 
and be present at the bearing which your committee will grant, on the 
11th Instant, on the resolution which you have introduced to abrogate 
the Russian treaty. 
-0104—10410 



I sincerely trust that joint resolution No. 166, providing for the ter- 
mination of the treaty of 1832 between our country and Russia, will 
he unanimously approved by your committee. In my opinion, it is 
absolutely useless to temporize any .longer over the passport question. 
For the past 40 years Russia has ignored the protests of our State 
Department, and the time has now arrived when all American citizens 
who are proud of their citizenship_ should rise up and force Russia 
either at once to recognize the provisions of the treaty of 1832 or that 
the Government of the United States give summary notice of its abro- 
gation. It does not appear to me to be a religious o.uestion, but an 
American question, and one of right, honesty, and patriotism. It is 
abhorrent to the true American doctrine of equality that any country 
should discriminate against any class of American citizenship, and ail 
the more shameful in view of that explicit protection afforded under 
the terms of the treaty. All the efforts of diplomacy and the vigorous 
protests heretofore made have been of no avail. American citizenship 
must now be vindicated and notice given to Russia that we will no 
longer permit the violation of our treaty obligations. The present situ- 
ation is disgraceful, and as an American citizen — not only as a Jew — 
I appeal to all members of the Committee on Foreign Affairs and to 
our honored House of Representatives for justice. Let us not place 
material interests above those of fair dealing, righteousness, and justice. 

It appears to me that the suggestion offered to submit the question 
at issue to an international court of arbitration would be humiliating 
to the dignity and honor of our country. There is nothing to arbitrate ; 
it is a question of enforcement of the treaty or of its abrogation. 

I take this opportunity of thanking you "for the noble and persistent 
fight which you have made on behalf of all loyal citizens. I feel con- 
vinced that your committee will favorably report the resolution and 
that the bill will pass both Houses of Congress. 
Very truly, yours, 

Isaac N. Selig.man. 

1S22 Glenwood Road, 
Flatbush, N. Y., December 9, 1911. 
Hon. William Sulzer, 

Chairman Committee on Foreign Affairs, 

Washington, D. C. 
My Dear Mr. Sulzer : I am sorry that I can not appear in person 
before your committee to speak in favor of the resolution providing for 
the termination of the treaty of 1S32 between the United States" and 
Russia. Thirteen years ago I first published my book. Justice to the 
Jew. I believe I was the first Gentile voice, in my profession at least, 
to make a plea for justice to the Jew. There is no new argument that 
can be made at this late day against the passage of your resolution. 
My contention has always been that this is not a Jewish but an 
American question. All we ask is that Russia shall do for all our 
citizens what we are doing for all theirs — justice and a square deal 
The American people justly demand as much and consistently can not, 
will not. be satisfied with less. 

Very sincerely, yours, Madison C. Peters. 

Chicago, December 9, 1911. 
Hon. William Silzer, 

House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. 

My Deai: Mi:. Sclzer : Replying to your letter of the Gth instant, I 
wired you as follows : 

" I regret my inability to comply with your request to appear before 
Committee on Foreign Affairs next Monday. 

"All I would say will doubtless be far more ably presented by others 
who will attend. 

"A vital principle is at stake, in which every self-respecting American 
citizen is deeply interested. 

" I earnestly hope the resolution will pass." 

The foregoing message is by no means formal or perfunctory, since 
I do, indeed, regret my inability to be there, even though I could not 
and did not add a word or thought to the able presentation of the 
Question which will surely then be made. 

My law partner, Mr. Adolf Kraus, president of the Independent Order 
of B'nal R'rilh, returned this morning from a visit to Washington 
and New York, and said that while lie found it Impossible for him to 
remain, Mr. Louis Marshall, of New JTork, Is expected to express the 
sentiments of this order or, perhaps more particularly, those of its 
president. 

1 \rry much appreciate the deep interest you take in this question. 
It should bring you the lasting gratitude of not only citizens of Jewish 
201G4— 10110 



8 

extraction, bul citizens of all classes, whatever, their origin, who believe 
that American citizenship Is something more than an idle abstraction. 

1 thank you Cor your wry kind and Battering letter, and with assur- 
ance of highest esteem, I am, as .ever, 

Very sincerely, yours, .Sam ill Alschdxbb. 

Hon. William Sdlzeb, 

Chairman Committee on Foreign Affairs. 
My Dhab Sulzbr : l had expected t<> ho at the hearing Monday, bat 
am detained in New York by an unexpected lawsuit. I am very BOrry. 
As a former member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, may I express 
the hope that the abrogation resolution will he promptly reported? 
We have waited long enough for justice from Russia. 
Yours, very truly, 

William S. Bex.net. 

Men's Club, St. Peteb'S Chubch, 
Niagara rails, N. v., December 5, 191 1. 
lion. William Sclzeil 

'Deab Sut : At a meeting of the men of St. Peter's parish, held De- 
-1, 1911, the resolution concerning the treaty with Russia was 
ted and unanimously passed In the words which your commit- 
tee suggested in your communication dated November 29. 
Yours, most truly, 

Rev. Philip V.*. Moshhb. 

Resolution. 
Whereas for more than a generation passports issued by our Gov- 
ernment to American citizens have been openly and continually dis- 
regarded and discredited by Russia in violation of its treaty obliga- 
tions and the usage of civilized nations. 

During all that time administration after administration, irrespec- 
tive of party, has protested against this insult and humiliation, and 
Congress has on repeated occasions given emphatic expression to its 
resentment of the strain Imposed upon our national honor. Diplomacy 
has exhausted itself in ineffectual effort to bring relief, for which a 
new generation is Impatiently waiting. 

The citizenship of every American who loves his country has in con- 
sequence been subjected to degradation, and it has become a matter of 
such serious import to the people of the United States, as an entirety, 
that this condition can no longer be tolerated. Be 11 ther 

Resolved, That as a body of citizens having at heart the preservation 
of the honor of the Nation, joining In generous emulation with all other 
citizens to elevate its moral and political standards and to stimulate an 
abiding consciousness of Its ideal mission among the nations of the 
earth, that our Representatives in Congress give their support to the 
ition now pending In Congress, Introduced by Mr. Sdlzbb, of New 
York, providing for the termination of the treaty of 1832 now existing 
en the united states and Russia, to the end that If treaty rela- 
are to exist between the two nations it shall he upon such condi- 
tions and guaranties only as shall be consonant with the dignity of the 
Be it further 
lived. Thai a copy of this resolution be forwarded to the Con- 
gressmen of our respective districts and the Senators of our State. 

National Oeu man- American Alliance 

en mi: United States of America, 

Philadelphia 3 l'a., December t, ion. 
To the TTon. William SDLZEB, 

House oj Representatives, Washington, D. C. 
Deab Sib: Protesting against the action of the Russian Government 

in not recognizing the passports Of American citizens of the .Jewish 

persuasion, the convention of the National German-American Alliance, 
held at Washington, d. C, October 8-10, 1911, decided to request 
Congress to declare null and void the treaty of this country with 
Russia of 1832. 

The following resolution was adopted unanimously : 

lived, That the nonrt gnition of the American passport by the 

Russian Government on at unl or the religion of the bolder thereof is 

violative of tiie treaty of ls:;i'. and therefore Congress be petitioned to 
pass the Sulz.er resolution to abrogate said treaty. 
Respectfully submitted. _ 

Adolph Timm, Secretary. 

201G4— 10440 

o 



PURCHASE OF EMBASSY AND CONSULAR 
BUILDINGS ABROAD 



SPEECH 

OF 

HON. WILLIAM SULZER 

OF NEW YORK 



HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 



FEBRUARY 7, 1911 






WASTTTISTGTON 
1911 

793M— {,615 



SPEECH 

OP 

HON. WILLIAM 8ULZER, 



The House being in the Committee of the Whole House on the state 
of the Union and having under consideration the bill (H. R. 30888) 
providing for the purchase or erection, within certain limits of cost, of 
embassy, legation, and consular buildings abroad, and for other 
purposes — 

Mr. SULZER said : 

Mr. Chairman : For many years I have been in favor of this 
Government acquiring and owning diplomatic and consular 
establishments for its representatives in the principal countries 
of the world. This bill is a step in that direction and meets 
with my earnest approval. 

What the United States requires, in my opinion, in the great 
capitals of the world, are official residences, which shall be per- 
manent homes for its diplomatic and consular representatives, 
whether they be rich or poor, in which they shall reside in a 
position consistent with democratic institutions. I believe the 
taxpayers of the country favor it because it will mean the main- 
tenance of the dignity of our people and the enhancement of 
the prestige of the Republic. Such a policy will produce an 
external uniformity in the outward semblance of each and con- 
ceal the difference between the rich diplomat and the poor, yet, 
perhaps, far abler scholar and statesman. The price of a mod- 
ern battleship would provide proper homes for most of our 
ministers and ambassadors abroad and give these official resi- 
dences the dignity that is associated with permanency. 

The diplomatic representatives of our country iu foreign capi- 
tals should reside in suitable homes, owned and furnished in a 
proper manner by our Government, and be paid a salary suffi- 
cient to enable them to live in a way befitting the greatness and 
2 79395—0615 



the glory of the United States. We are a world power of the 
first magnitude, and we should live up to it in the diplomatic 
family of nations. I believe in economy. I like democratic 
simplicity ; but I have traveled some, and, like others who have 
been in foreign lands, I know what a sorry figure we generally 
cut in diplomatic circles. If we want to be abreast of the 
political and commercial spirit of the times we must yield to 
modern progress in these important matters of the world and 
lay aside the ultraconservatism of the past and the rigid sim- 
plicity of bygone days. 

If Congress is unable to understand the exceedingly mean 
figure that is cut by the United States in foreign capitals when 
its diplomatic representatives are obliged to spend their yearly 
salaries in providing themselves with a roof over their oflicial 
heads, then the case is hopeless. If our ambassador is an object 
of derision, if the United States is the subject of contemptu- 
ous remarks by all the little whippersnappers of diplomacy 
who have been better provided for, the fault lies in the Con- 
gress of this great country. Rich and powerful as we are as a 
Nation, we belittle our own dignity and that of our representa- 
tives in foreign lands by refusing to establish permanent homes 
for them where the Stars and Stripes may ever fly. 

Sir, how can we expect our diplomats abroad to be treated 
with the same respect as those of other countries when the 
very houses in which they live invite invidious comparisons? 
It is just as important for the envoys representing our people 
to be housed in a manner befitting the wealth and power of 
our country as it is for the President of the United States to 
live in the White House ; and the saddest commentary on it all 
is the knowledge that men of ability, men of experience, but 
lacking riches, in view of present conditions, can not hope to 
represent this country in foreign lands. It would be more be- 
coming to our pretensions of democratic simplicity, in my judg- 
ment, if Congress should now place our Diplomatic Service on a 
basis where brains and not dollars alone will be the essentials 
for diplomatic office in foreign countries. 



If I am any judge of public opinion, I venture the assertion 
i hat popular sentiment favors the enactment "f this legislation, 

and I Indulge the hope that this hill will he a law ere we ad- 
journ. We can not escape the logic of the case and the force 
of the contention that our country must have fitting official 
homes for its representatives in foreign capitals, Hying Old 
Glory, and tenanted by patriotic citizens with an eye single for 
the welfare of America. 
79395—0015 

o 



Alaska Wants Home Rule. 
SPEECH 

OF 

HON. WILLIAM SULZER, 

of new york, 

In the House of Representatives, 

January lJf, 1911. 

Mr. WICKERSHAM. I will offer an amendment, then, at 

this time to the same paragraph, that the words " not less than 

one-half thereof upon the military and post road, bridges, and 

trail between Seward and Iditarod," in lines 18 and 19, page 3S, 

be stricken out. 

The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will report the amendment 

The Clerk read the paragraph as it would be if amended : 

Construction and maintenance of military and post roads, bridges, 
and trails, Alaska : For the construction and maintenance of military 
and post roads, bridges, and trails in the District of Alaska, to be 
expended under the direction of the board of road commissioners 
described in section 2 of an act entitled "An act to provide for the 
construction and maintenance of roads, the establishment and main- 
tenance of schools, and the care and support of insane persons in the 
District of Alaska, and for other purposes,'' approved Janaury 27. 1010, 
and to be expended conformably to the provisions of said act, $100,000, 
to remain available until the close of the fiscal year ending June 
30, 1913. 

Mr. SULZER. Mr. Chairman, I move to amend, so it shall 

read " one hundred and fifty thousand dollars." 

The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will report the amendment. 

The Clerk read as follows : 

Page 39, line 3, after the word " hundred " Insert the words " and 
fifty," so as to read " one hundred and fifty thousand dollars." 

Mr. SULZER. Mr. Chairman, in support of the amendment 
I have offered, to give the Alaska Roads Commission $50,000 
more for work this year, I wish to say that I substantially 
concur in what the gentleman from Alaska has told the House. 
The Government should build this year a dirt road in Alaska 
73945—9497 



from Seward to the Iditarod country. There are Beveral thou- 
sand people in the Iditarod gold placer mining camps, and 
many believe it will be one of the best gold camps in Alaska. 
They will take out millions and millions of gold. The camp at 
present is quite inaccessible, and it costs the miners a good deal 
of time and money to get their supplies In and their products 
out by reason of its present inaccessibility. To get in or out 
now means a journey of about 900 miles out of the way, and 
freight rates are exorbitant. The camp is greatly handicapped, 
and prices for nearly everything have been increased. The 
people living in the Iditarod want to go in and come out by 
way of Seward — the nearest and the quickest way. A road 
between these places would shorten the present route, by way 
of Fairbanks, nearly two-thirds of the distance. 

The Delegate from Alaska understands the question, and 
what he tells us should be controlling in the matter. My amend- 
ment will solve his difficulty by giving the Alaska road com- 
missioners the sum of $50,000 more for the current year. The 
road commission can not build the Iditarod road and get along 
with less money without neglecting the different roads now in 
existence in Alaska, and which must be maintained. Nothing is 
more necessary to open up this great country of Alaska to the 
people than good roads. The building of these trails and wagon 
roads to the different camps and towns in Alaska is of much 
import to all the people of the country. It is not a local matter. 
It is a national question. The wealth coming from Alaska bene- 
fits the country generally. The Alaskans ask for little from 
the Federal Government. All they want is home rule and 
a part of their money that they pay into the Federal Treasury 
yearly for the construction of dirt roads and simple trails to 
make ingress and egress in that wild and rugged country a little 
easier and less expensive. Hence the expenditure of a few 
thousand dollars, more or less, for trails and dirt roads to aid 
the men who discover these gold camps in the wilderness of 
Alaska is money wisely expended, and yields back untold 
wealth to all the people in the land. 

Mr. Chairman, I know something about the vast domain we 
call Alaska. I know something about the sentiments of the 
7.".!>45— 0497 



people who live there, and I stand here and declare with the 
confident knowledge that I can not be successfully contradicted 
that the people of Alaska — the people who have gone there, and 
who have lived there for years, and who are bona fide residents 
of Alaska, and intend to stay there during the rest of their 
lives — I know what they want, and I declare here that they 
want not only a Representative in Congress, but they want Ter- 
ritorial government. They want the right that every other Ter- 
riory in the Union has — the right to make their own local laws, 
to levy their own local taxes, to regulate their own internal 
affairs, and to spend the money gathered by the tax collector 
for their own use, for their own schools, for their own charit- 
able institutions, for their own municipal affairs, for their own 
trails and dirt roads, and for their own peace and happiness. 
This is not asking too much, in my opinion. It is a fundamental 
right. It seems to me it is only fair and just and proper. 
Alaska has a population at the present time upward of 60,000 
bona fide white citizens. It is true they are scattered over a 
vast territory, but it is also true that they are an honest, brave, 
sober, manly, God-fearing people who are of our kin, and who 
ought to be treated as American citizens. I assert it is a fact 
that I do not know how a few thousand dollars can be expended 
to better advantage to all the people than in building these 
roads. I have traveled some in Alaska and I know whereof I 
speak. The gold that comes out of Alaska goes to the Govern- 
ment assay office, is coined into money — real money — which in- 
creases the volume of our circulating medium and that makes 
times good and prosperous. That is so fundamental that I do 
not think any economist or financial authority will dispute it 
successfully. We owe much to Alaska. 

Mr. HAMILTON. Will the gentleman yield? 

Mr. SULZER. Certainly. I always yield to the gentleman 
from Michigan. 

Mr. HAMILTON. Simply for information. I recoguize, my- 
self, the importance of a trail from Seward across to Iditarod, 
but bearing upon the gentleman's statement that it is necessary 
to carry supplies from Valdez over this road oSO miles to Fair- 
banks, and then around to Iditarod 

73045—9497 



Mr. SULZER. The gentleman from Alaska [Mr. Wickeb- 
shasi] has expalined that fully. He is correct, quite correct, 
about it. 

Mr. HAMILTON. I want to know whether it is possible to 
ship supplies during the summer season into Fairbanks, and 
then have them held for transportation from Fairbanks into 
Iditarod, as a practical proposition, saving this trip from Valdez 
to Fairbanks overland? 

Mr. SULZER. Yes. Some of the supplies, of course, can go 
that way, and do go that way. The Iditarod is a new camp — a 
good camp — with severai thousand people. Supplies go in now 
from Fairbanks, from Nome, from places in the Yukon Valley, 
and from the valley of the Kuskokwim; but nearly all these 
supplies would go by the way of Seward if this proposed road 
was built, and that would save thousands and thousands of 
dollars not only to the miners, but to shippers and other people 
from all over the United States who are doing business in 
that section of Alaska. If this camp were in Canada, the Gov- 
ernment of Canada would quickly construct the road. They do 
these things better in Canada in these matters than in this 
country. 

In conclusion, let me say I trust there will be no opposition 
to this amendment, because I feel confident that if the addi- 
tional $."30,000 is granted the road commissioners of Alaska — in 
whom I have every confidence — will have enough money to do 
this work and everything else in road construction and mainte- 
nance that is necessary to be done in Alaska this year. 
73945—9497 

O 



Justice to all Demands tlie Ratification of tho Income-Tax 
Amendment to the Federal Constitution. 



SPEECH 

OF 

HOX. WILLIA3I SULZEB, 

o f n e w york, 
In the House of Representatives, 

January 8, 1910. 

The House being in Committee of the Whole House on the state of 
the Union and having under consideration the bill (H. K. 15384) making 
appropriations for the support of the army for the fiscal year ending 
June 30, 1911 — 

Mr. SULZER said: 

Mr. Chairman : For many years I have been the earnest ad- 
vocate and the consistent champion of the imposition of a fed- 
eral income tax, because it is the most equitable system of 
taxation to all concerned that can, to my mind, be devised, com- 
pelling wealth, as well as toil, to pay its just share of the bur- 
dens of government. 

As a citizen of the State of Xew York I had indulged the hope 
that the income-tax amendment to the Federal Constitution 
passed in the last session of Congress would meet with the 
approval of Governor Hughes and be ratified this year by the 
legislature of the Empire State. 

Contrary to my expectations, however, and doubtless much 
to the disappointment of many of the sincere friends of the 
governor, the latter, in his recent message to the legislature de- 
clares in specific terms against the ratification by the legisla- 
ture of the income-tax amendment and urges its defeat. 

I regret exceedingly that the governor has lent his great in- 
fluence, with a studied calculation, tn the side of political reac- 
tion, and thrown the weight of his great office, regardless of 
popular opinion, to the support of selfish privilege. 

The issue is a momentous one. and the people must decide. 
For years they have demanded an income tax. and justice to all 
commanded that it should be written on the federal statute 
bonks so that the burdens of government should he more equi- 
tably adjusted and the unprotected weak and the o\erladened 
poor, to some extent, relieved of unjust discriminations in taxa- 
tion. 

Now, Mr. Chairman, in this connection I send to the Clerk's 
desk and desire to bave read in my time a very able editorial 
on tho SUbjed from the New York World. 

The Clerk read as follows: 

GOVERNOR HUGHES AND Tin: INCOME TAX. 

[From editorial in New York World, Thursday, January 6, 1910.] 
Governor Hughes bas furnished t>> the opponents of the Income-tax 

amendment tin thing they have been seeking a plausible argument 

from a highly respectable source. 
22175—8659 



The governor's objection to t ln> amendment as submitted to t: 
mil Btate legislatures for ratification binges upon the four words, 
"from whatever source derived." in his opinion this would permit 
Congress to tax the Income from Btate and < iiy bonds; and "to place 
tbe borrowing capacity of the State and Its governmental agem 
the mercy of the federal taxing power would be of the 

essential rights of the State which as it- officers we arc bound i" de« 
fend." Or, as the governor says elsewhere In bis □ to per- 

mit such securities to be the subject of federal taxation is to plai 
limitations upon the borrowing power of tii>' stair as to make the 
performance of the functions of local government a matter of federal 
graic." 

With all respect t" Governor Hughes, the World regards his fears 
try than real. Assuming even that tins amendment 

would confer upon Congress power t<> tax the in oe from Btate and 

city bonds, which is by no means certain, it is unlikely that Congress 
would try to exercise thai power, liver since the adoption of tin- Con- 
stitution Congress has had tin' power to levy dii If it pleases, 
only t>> tii'' restriction that they be apportioned among tho 
several States according to population. As a matter of public policy, 
however, it lias never exercised this power. 

The effed of popular sentiment upon ill-' vers of C< 

i',i exceptional force by Justice Harlan in his dissenting 
opinion in tin' income-tax case, which Governor lotes in his 

message: "Any attempt on the part of Congress to apportion among the 
States, upon the basis simply of their population, taxation of personal 
property or of Incomes would tend to arouse such Indignation among 
the freemen of America that it would never he repeated." In other 
words, the taxing power of Congress has t-. ised in accordance 

with the sentiment id' the American people. 

Members of Congress are citizens of Slates and residents of counties. 
They live in cities or villages or townships, as the case may he. and 
most of these agencies of local government issue bonds for one purpose 
or another. It is hardly probable that Congressmen would [.ass a fed- 
eral-tax law impairing the value of the public securities of the commu- 
nities in which they live and for the redemption of which their own 
property is a pledge. But even if they did. we can assure Governor 
Hughes that heal s If-government will not perish from Ihe earth or 
■ " a mat tor of federal gi 

British Government, we believe, taxes the income from its own 
consols, yet government in Great Britain still lives. Congress recently 
levied an excise tax upon the net income of all corporations doing 
business in the Dnited states. If the governor's process of re; 
is correct, all these corporations will exisl as "a matter of 

grace." When the stamp taxes were in force during i ] 

lean war Mr. Charles El. Hughes must have drawn checks against 

his personal hank account as "a matter of federal gra 

All that a federal tax on the income from city and state bonds could 
mean is that a Blight increase might have to ho made in the rale of 
interest, as the holders of these securities would lose some of their 
special privileges. If this is to be resisted as an invasion of state 

rights, then the Government must concede that state ■ • vastly 

more sacred than individual rights, for no such immunity is accorded 
to the individual in his tax relations with the federal Government. 

It taxes the blanket he is wrapped up in when he is born. It iaxes 
the lumber in the roof that covers his head. It taxes tiie food that 
-. the clothes that he wears, the ooliin in which he is buried, and 
the humble gravestone that bids him ret in peace with the ho; 
glorious resurrection. All this, however, is not an Invasion id' state 
rights, and hence the governor refuses to worry about it. 

The World does not impeach Governor Hughes's sincerity. His decla- 
ration in favor of conferring upon Congress power to levy an income 
tax is clear and unequivocal. His objections are all direct.',! against 
the form of the proposed amendment : hat as this amendment 
only specific income-tax question before the country, the goveri 
all present practical purposes might as well have declared himself 
against an Income tax in any form. 

rdiess of the distinction he makes, Governor Hughes's me 
will be hailed -with delight by all the Interests that oppose an Income 
tax. They will promptly fall in behind the governor of New York to 

safeguard the precious principle of state rights. Wail street is always 

for state rights when there is any money in it. and always believes 
in a strong central government when the balance of profit Bwings in 
that direction, it will turn Governor Hughes's message, his arguments, 

his influence, and his great reputation to its own account in every 
22175—8059 



state capital in which there is a chance to prevent the ratification of 
the amendment. 

If this amendment to the Constitution of the T'nited States is de- 
feated, a larger measure of responsibility will rest upon Charles B. 
Hughes than upon any other one citizen of the country — a fact to 
which the governor doubtless gave careful and conscientious consid- 
eration before he sent his message to the New York legislature. 

Mr. SULZER. Mr. Chairman, that timely and eloquent and 
impartial editorial sums up the whole situation, and appealed 
to me so strongly that I immediately wrote a letter commending 
it to the New York World, which is published on its editorial 
page this morning, and which I now send to the Clerk's desk 
and ask to have read in my time as part of my remarks. 

The Clerk read as follows : 

IN REPLY TO GOVERNOR HUGHES REPRESENTATIVE SULZER SAYS THE 

GOVERNOR'S OBJECTIONS TO THE INCOME-TAN AMENDMENT ARE WEAK 
AND UNTENABLE LET THE LEGISLATURE RATIFY IT. 

To the Editor of the World: 

The splendid editorial in the World this morning in favor of the 
ratification of the income-tax amendment to the Federal Constitution 
by the New York legislature rings true, and I hope it will he read by 
every taxpayer in the State of New York. 

The criticisms of Governor Hughes in his message to the legislature 
are weak and untenable. It is apparent the governor mistakes public 
sentiment in the Empire State and has a very poor opinion of the ability 
of Congress to enact an income-tax law that will be eminently fair 
and just. The governor's message against the income tax is a blunder 
that must grieve his most earnest friends. 

Years ago Joseph Pulitzer proclaimed the equity of an income tax. 
His ringing editorials, in season and out of season, made me an earnest 
student of the subject, and after careful study and consideration com- 
mitted me to the proposition that an income tax is the fairest, the most 
honest, the most democratic, and the most equitable tax ever devised by 
the genius of man. Ever since I came to Congress the Record will 
show that I have been the constant advocate of an income tax along 
constitutional lines. It is the only way to tax wealth as well as work. 

At the present time nearly all of the taxes raised for the support of 
the Government are levied on consumption, through the agency of un- 
just and discriminating tariff taxes — on what the people need to eat 
and to wear and to live — the necessaries of life — and the consequence is 
that the poor man, indirectly but surely in the end, pays practically as 
much to support the Government as the rich man, regardless of the 
difference of incomes. This system of levying all the taxes on con- 
sumption so that the consumers are saddled with all the burdens of 
government is an unjust system of taxation, and the only way to 
remedy the injustice and destroy the inequality is by a graduated sys- 
tem of income taxes that will make idle wealth as well as honest toil 
pay its just share of the money needed to administer the National 
Government 

Joseph Pulitzer never made a more honest and a better fight for the 
people of his country than the light for the income tax. AH honor to 
Mm and all credit to the World. I am with you in this light, and 
sooner or later it must prevail, because it is right. 

In this connection, 1 •— i me say thai every great thinker, every honest 
jurist, every just statesman, and every intelligent writer on political 
economy, from th Aristotle down to the present time, has 

advocated and justified the Imposition of an income tax for the support 
rernmenl as the mosl honest, the most equitable, and the most 
expeditious system of taxation that can be devised. It must come in 
this country, it should have been adopted long ago. Almost every 
great government on earth secures a huge pari 01 its revenue from an 
tax, and the United states must do the tame. We are tar 
behind the governments of Europe In this respect far behind cnlight 
ened public opinion tb.rougb.ou1 the world. 

When the Income-tax amendment passed Congress t spoke in favor 
of it. as the Record will show, hut i had my doubts as to the sin- 
cerity of its eleventh-hour Republican friends. I predicted then that 

they passed it to placate the people and justify to some extent the 

iniquities of the I'ayne-Aldricb tariff law. and that ultimately it would 
be found that many of tin' Republicans who urged t'i of the 

Income tax amendment iu Congress would be opposing its ratification 
-jit:, 8659 



in (lio legislatures of the States. On July 12. 1909, 1 said on the 
Boor of the House of Representatives: 

" I Mm nol going i" rive the Republicans credit for good faith In 
passing tins resolution i" amend the Constitution to provide for an 
Income tax until I see how their representatives rote on it In the legis- 
latures of Republican States. Mark whal I say now: When this reso- 
lution passes, the wealth and the Interests and the Republican leaders 
of the country opposed t" an Income tax will soon gel together and 
urge its rejection bj the legislatures of the states, if these obnoxious 
Interests n> the welfare of the people can gel 12 legislatures to pre- 
venl its ratification, the Income-tax amendment will fail to 
the necessary approval of three-fourths of the States of the Union 
ami will never be adopted as a pari of the Constitution." 

l am not a prophet, but l know whal l was talking about! My pro- 
dirt Ion is coming t rue. 

Governor Hughes Is wrong on the income-tax proposition, and I 
gly. His message on the subject-matter is specious 
and a ■ ni. I hope, however, that the World and other 

3 that bave tin 1 ix'st inter, sis of the people of tin- whole country at 
bear! will urge upon the members of tin' New York legislature the 
justice ami the importance idvisablllty of voting in favor of 

the ratilication of the income-tax amendment in tii" Federal Cbnsti- 
tution. If this amendment is beaten in tin' legislature of the State 
of New York, it will be an outrage againsl the toilers of our land, an 
injustice to the consumers of our country, and a crime againsl strug- 
gling humanity. 

William Sulzeb, >r. C., 
Tenth District, \tw Yurie. 

Washington, January G. 

Mr. SULZER. Mr. Chairman, my letter speaks for itself and 
shows my position on this momentous question. In the future, 
as in the past, I shall do all in my power in Congress and out 
of Congress to secure the ratification of the income-tax amend- 
ment to the Federal Constitution, so that it shall become a part 
of the supreme law of the land. 

The question now, however, before the people of the country, 
find especially the members of the legislatures of the different 
States, is not whether Congress shall levy an income tax: or 
the kind of an income it shall ultimately write on the national 
law hooks, hut the question at present is simply this: Shall the 
Congress of the United States have the constitutional right to 
impose an income tax. or forever have its strong arm paralyzed 
and he cut off from this source of revenue no matter what the 
exigencies of the times in war or in peace may demand? 

The people en masse throughout the land speak in thunder 
tones, and furnish cumulative proofs mountain high, in favor 
of the ratilication of the income-tax amendment. In the Em- 
pire State Governor Hughes has failed us. Will the members 
of the legislature of the Slate of New York prove recreant to 

their dtltyV We shall sec; hill lest '.hey forget, lei the people 

of grand old New York now speak out, and every friend of 
justice and equality and humanity do his duty. 
^_'17o — SC50 

o 



San Francisco. 
SPEECH 

OP 

HON. WILLIAM SULZEE, 

of new york, 

In the House of Representatives, 

January 31, 1911. 

The House having under consideration House joint resolution 213 and 
House bill 29362 — 

Mr. SULZEE said: 

Mr. Speaker : I shall rote for San Francisco as the most 
desirable place in which to commemorate the opening of the 
Panama Canal. The completion of the great canal will be the 
consummation of the hopes of the great world builders and the 
realization of the constructive dreamers of four centuries. It 
will mark the engineering triumph of all the ages. It will 
divide the continents, connect the oceans, extend our coast line, 
and make us invulnerable on land and sea. We should fittingly 
celebrate the completion of this gigautic undertaking. The Pan- 
ama Canal is ours. We have built it, we will own it, and we 
will protect it forever. We want a Panama year, and 1915 is 
written as the time and San Francisco should be the place in 
our glorious coming annals. 

Sir, in the interest of the people I have carefully consid- 
ered the best place in which to hold this celebration and 
have come to the irresistible conclusion that the only suit- 
able place to do justice to the Panama exposition is the 
beautiful city of San Francisco. There are many reasons 
for this judgment. In the short time allowed to me for dis- 
cussion I can not go into all of them, but one reason is enough, 
and tbat is the opening in 1915 of the Panama Canal will extend 
the coast line of the United States from the Atlantic to the 
Pacific. The stupendous work is essentially a Pacific project, 
and the commercial metropolis of the Pacific Ocean is beyond 
76834— 95G1 



question San Francisco — the city of boundless hospitality, the 
city of warm hearts and glad hands, the greatest cosmopolitan 
city on all the broad I'm iri> . She needs no eulogy. Her story 
is the pride of America. 

All credit to the intrepid citizens of San Francisco. They 
know no such word as fail. All glory to the new San Francisco. 
She has risen phoenixlike from her ashes — greater and grander 
than ever — the wonder of the world. The people of San Fran- 
cisco are determined to demonstrate to all the world the progress 
they are achieving in everything that makes for the advance- 
ment of humanity. They ask the Government for no help. They 
want no gift. They appeal for no loan. All they ask is that the 
Government recognize the importance of their celebration of the 
opening of the Panama Canal, lend its official indorsement, take 
part in it, build its own buildings, makes its own exhibits, do 
so at its own expense, officially invite the other nations to 
do likewise — and San Francisco will do the rest. 

The Government has aided financially every exposition of a 
national character ever held in this country. No Government 
aid is asked by San Francisco for this Panama exposition — not 
a dollar is sought, directly or indirectly — only suitable recogni- 
tion and the extension of an official invitation to all the world 
to come, to see, and to participate. 

The San Francisco exposition will be in the interest of all the 
people. It will materially benefit all sections of our country. 
In an educational way it will be a blessing to all the world. 
Then why should the Government refuse the request of San 
Francisco? I can not believe that we shall be so blind to our 
own best interests as to permit this legislation to fail. Congress 
should lend a friendly recognition to the enterprising and pro- 
gressive people on our Pacific borders. They are entitled to it. 
They are doing a great work, that benefits all the people of our 
country. This exposition will bring to the attention of the 
world the wonderful natural resources and the great commercial 
possibilities of the countries bordering on the Pacific, and do 
much to strengthen the friendly trade relations of the nations 
on the ocean of the Orient. 
76834—9551 



Mr. Speaker, I am a friend of San Francisco. All things 
considered, she deserves the honor of the Panama exposition. 
Select as the celebration city the beautiful metropolis of the 
Pacific coast and it will be for the good of all. The Panama 
exposition will be a memorable milestone, marking a great 
epoch in our onward and upward progress. It will diffuse 
knowledge, educate the people, and exhibit the wonderful re- 
sources of our country and the constructive genius of our 
people. It will mean ocular demonstration, a great object les- 
son along historical, and educational, and mechanical, and com- 
mercial lines. It will mean triumph and advancement and en- 
lightenment — and all for humanity. It will emphasize our 
greatness and our grandeur and our glory. It will illustrate our 
marvelous growth in every line of human effort, and demon- 
strate the giant strides our citizens are making along every 
avenue of industrial progress. [Applause.] 
76834—9551 

o 



THE PRESIDENT SHOULD OFFEE HIS 

GOOD OFFICES TO BEING ABOUT 

PEACE IN NICAEAGUA 



SPEECH 



OF 



HON. WILLIAM SULZER 

OF NEW YORK 



IN THE 



HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 



THURSDAY, MAY 19, 1910 



WASHINGTO^ST 

1010 



49582-9229 



SPEECH 

OF 

HON. WILLIAM SITLZEB,. 



The House heiug in Committee of the Whole House on the state of the 
Union and hr.ving under consideration the bill (H. R. 25552) making 
appropriations for sundry civil expenses of the Government for the 
fiscal year ending June 30, 1911, and for other purposes — 

Mr. SULZER said : 

Mr. Chairman : Gen. Juan J. Estrada, the heroic leader of 
the Nicaraguan insurgents, has again appealed to the United 
States and to the Cartago court of justice to take legitimate 
steps to cause a cessation of the internecine struggle that is 
decimating his patriotic countrymen. In his letter to the Car- 
tago court of justice, General Estrada represents that the 
armies which, under Generals Lara, Godoy, and Chavarria, 
were arrayed against Blueflelds and Raina, and which were 
counted upon to enforce the authority of the Madriz administra- 
tion and to reduce the insurgents to submission have been de- 
stroyed, and that the public welfare imperatively demands the 
immediate abandonment of a hopeless but disastrous conflict 
that means, ultimately, extermination of the brave people of 
our sister Republic of Nicaragua. 

Thus far the United States, for reasons of its own, has re- 
fused to recognize the Madriz government or the Estrada gov- 
ernment, but both have made it clear that they would like 
nothing better than to obtain this country's good will, and if 
they were approached in some informal way they might be 
ready to make such concessions as would be accepted by all 
concerned as the basis of a mutually definitive adjustment. It 
may be considered certain that any representations emanating 
from the President, advisory in character, but not excluding 
the possibility of a friendly rapprochement, would have much 
weight, and no doubt succeed in establishing an honorable and 
lasting peace. 

The good people of beautiful Nicaragua are the true friends 
of the people of the United States ; they look to us for aid and 
for sympathy; they need our help in their industrial progress; 
they desire our assistance in the marketing of their products; 
they want our financial support in the development of their 
great natural resources; and their products are greater and 
richer than those of the countries away across the Atlantic and 
the Pacific oceans. 

Nicaragua is a wondrous country — nearly the size of the State 
of New York — a land of eternal springtime, an Kdcn of sun- 
shine and flowers, a wonderland of indescribable contrasts, rich 
in natural resources beyond the dreams of avarice, glorious in 
patriotic memories, and replete in historical recollections, she 
is our sister in the grand sisterhood of republics in the New 
49582—9220 3 



World. She cries to us for help. We should beed the Buppll- 

catlous of tier loyal sous and the prayers of her patriotic i pie. 

New is the accepted time for us to act, and humanity demands 

thai we net III r. 

My sympathy is Mil with the patriotic people of Nicaragua. 
l am with them In their struggle for better conditions. I am 
anxious to Bee peace restored to thai disturbed Republic, and, 
in my judgment, the only way thai peace and prosperity 
and order — can be restored there is by the President of the 
United stales tendering liis good offices in an earnesl effort to 
restore peace, lie should <!<» this at once, ami put an end to 
the reign of lawlessness and stop the further slaughter of inno- 

Cenl lives. 

in ihis connection I want t<> say that at a largely attended 
meeting, recently held in the city of Washington. I ». < '.. of the 
American Group id' the Interparliamentary Union, I offered the 
following resolution, which was unanimously adopted: 

Resolved, Thai the American Group of the interparliamentary tnion. 
in meeting assembled, deplores the fratricidal war in the Republic <>f 
Nicaragua, and the less of life and property incident thereto; and 
hereby pledges Itself to do all in its power to bring about a cessation 
..t' hostilities; and to that end urges the President <>f tin' United stains 
to use his good offices in an endeavor to restore peace. 

That resolution. Mr. Chairman, is self-explanatory and speaks 
for itself. Every Member of Congress presenl at the meeting 
voted for it and indorses its sentiments. It does credit to the 
Members of Congress constituting the American group in the 
world's interparliamentary union. The President should act 
mi it and offer his good offices to the contending forces in 
Nicaragua to bring about lasting peace, permanent order, and 
the protection of life and property as speedily as possible. If 
the President will do this I fee' confidenl good will be accom- 
plished, the reign of anarchy will be over, bloodshed will cease. 
life and property will be secure, and the Government of Nica- 
rauga will ere long become again great and grand, progressive 
and prosperous. 
■iiL-jsi'— 9229 

o 



In Favor of the Recognition of Gen. Juan J. Estrada as the 
President of the Legitimate Government in Nicaragua. 



SPEECH 



HON. WILLIAM SULZER, 

of new york, 

In the House of Representatives, 

Tuesday, January 11, 1910. 

The House being in Committee of tbe Whole House on the state of 
the Union and having under consideration the bill (H. R. 15384) making 
appropriations for the support of the army for the fiscal year endins 
June 30, 1911 — 

Mr. SULZER said: 
• Mr. Chairman : The people of the United States have always 
taken a deep and an abiding interest in the progress, the pros- 
perity, and the material welfare of the people of Central 
America ; and they never have been, and they never will be, 
insensible to the troubles and the disturbances, whether foreign 
or domestic, wbich come now and then to plague our little sister 
republics in that part of the Western Hemisphere. 

The people of these Central American countries are the true 
friends of the people of the United States; they look to us for 
protection and for sympathy ; they need our help in their in- 
dustrial progress; they desire our aid in tbe marketing of their 
products; they want our financial assistance in the development 
of their great natural resources; and their products are greater 
and richer than those of the far countries away across the At- 
lantic and the Pacific oceans. 

We should aid the people of Central America in their struggle 
for better conditions; we should extend to them a helping hand 
in their onward march of progress; we should glory in their 
prosperity. Their success is our success. They are rapidly 
forging to the front; their exports and imports are increasing 
annually: their trade is becoming more and more imporiani : 
their commerce more and more valuable; and instead of closing 
our hearts to their entreaties and our doors against their prod 
nets, in my opinion, we should open them wider in every sense 
of the word, and do everything in our power to hasten closer 
political ties and facilitate freer trade and commercial relations. 

Imbued as I am with these sentiments toward all the good 
people of Latin America. I am sorry to say that for some time 
past a revolution has been in progress in the Republic of Nica- 
ragua, caused by the tyranny and the usurpation of Zelaya, its 
former president But this enemy of the people lias been 

22772—8664 ' 



forced to resign he Is now a fugitive from his country — but 
the revolution goes on, because the patriotic i »«•< »[»K* of Nicaragua 
look upon his successor, Mr. Bladrlz, ms the mere factotum and 
henchman of Zelaya, placed In the office of the presidency 
through the machinations of Zelaya and his corrupt satellites, 

by unconstitutional means, and for the very purpose of Con- 
tinuing the cruel persecutions, the illiberal conventions, the un- 
waranted conditions, and the tyrannical policies of Zelaya and 
his friends still potent for evil in storm-tossed Nicaragua. 

Thank God, the inhuman Zelaya is gone from that fair land. 
May he never return to again blight that stricken country. But 
I do not care at this time to express my opinion further regard- 
ing his personality and Ids responsibility for the murders, the 
rapine, the fiendish acts of cruelty, and the frightful deeds of 
barbarism perpetrated during his long reign of terror. I trust 
justice sooner or later will overtake him. no matter to what 
country he flees for refuge, and that he shall not escape the just 
penalty for his crimes. 

Suffice it for me to say now that I am in sympathy with the 
patriotic people of Nicaragua. I*am with them in their struggle 
for better conditions. I am anxious to see peace restored to 
that disturbed Republic, and. in my judgment, the only way that 
peace and prosperity — law and order — can he restored there is 
by the Government of the United states promptly recognizing 
(ion. Juan J. Estrada, the heroic head and the acknowledged 
chief of the struggling revolutionary forces, as the president of 
the legitimate government in that unfortunate country. We 
Should do this at once and put an end to the reign of lawlessness 
and Stop the further slaughter of innocent lives. 

In this connection. Mr. Chairman. I desire to send to the 
Clerk's desk, and have read in my time, a joint resolution which 
I prepared and recently introduced in this House to accomplish 
the purpose desired. 

The < Jlerk read as follows: 

.tniiit resolution authorizing the President of the United States '•■ recog- 
nize Gen. Juan J. Estrada as the President of Nicaragua. 

Resolved, >'<-.. Thai the President be, and hereby is, authorized and 
directed i<> recognize Gen. Juan J. Estrada as the President of 
Nicaragua, and the United states Government hereby recognizes the 
said Juan J. Estrada as the President of the legitimate government In 
Nicaragua 

Mr. SULZER. Mr. Chairman, that resolution speaks for 
itself and needs no other comment by me, except to say that, 
in the opinion of those most conversant with existing conditions 
in Nicaragua, tin- adoption of tlie resolution just read will re- 
store peace and order in that unhappy land, stop the further 
shedding of human blood, protect life and property, and give 
permanency and prosperity to the Government, and to that end 
I trust the resolution will he promptly considered by the Com- 
mittee on Foreign Affairs and favorably reported and passed 
by tlie Congress. 

Nicaragua is a wondrous country — nearly the size of the State 
of New York — a land of eternal springtime, an Eden of sun- 
shine and Bowers, of indescribable contrasts, rich in natural re- 
sources beyond the dreams of avarice, glorious in patriotic 
memories, and replete in historical recollections. She is our 



sister state in the grand galaxy of republics in the New World. 
She cries to us for help. We should heed the supplications of 
her loyal sons and the prayers of her patriotic people. Now is 
the accepted time for us to act, and humanity demands that we 
act at once. 

The thing for us to do now for Nicaragua, to bring about last- 
ing peace, permanent order, and the protection of life and prop- 
erty as speedily as possible, is to recognize General Estrada. 
If the Government of the United States will recognize him as 
the President of the legitimate Government of Nicaragua, peace 
will be accomplished, the reign of anarchy will be over, blood- 
shed will cease, life and property will be secure, and the Gov- 
ernment of Nicaragua will ere long, under the beneficent ad- 
ministration of President Estrada, become again great and 
grand, progressive and prosperous. 

Let the great Republic act. Let President Taft do his duty. 
Let us show our friendship for these embattled patriots. Gen- 
eral Estrada is fighting the battle of the honest people of Nica- 
ragua. His cause is the cause of liberty. He is for the per- 
petuity of free institutions. He deserves the sympathy of every 
patriotic citizen in America. He is a brave man, an able man, 
an honest man, a good man — the Washington of his country — 
and I predict he will make one of the best and one of the great- 
est presidents Nicaragua has ever had in all her glorious his- 
tory. The Government of the United States should now aid 
him; should now extend to him a helping hand; should now 
recognize him as the President of Nicaragua, in the interest of 
humanity ; for progress and prosperity ; in the name of peace 
and civilization. [Applause.] 
22772 — 866i 

o 



LIBRARIES FOR THE PEOPLE 

I know of no agency in America save our public schools that 
is doing so much good for good citizenship; so much for the 
general weal ; and so much for the perpetuity of our free insti- 
tutions as the free circulating libraries. 



SPEECH 



OF 



HON. WILLIAM SULZER 

OF ^STEW YORK 



IN THE 



HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 



MARCH 28, 1910 






WASHINGTON 
1910 

84786-8866 



SPEECH 

09 

HON. WILLIAM SULZER. 



The Bouse being In Committee of the Whole House on the state of the 
Union and having under consideration the bill (S. 4G24) for the Takoma 
Park branch library, and for other purposes — 

Mr. SULZER said: 

Mr. Chairman: This is a good bill in the interest of educa- 
tion, and, in my opinion, there should be no opposition to it. 
Let us see for a moment just what the bill does. Mr. Andrew 
Carnegie, a public-spirited and philanthropic citizen of our 
country — and I say all honor to him — is willing to give $30,000 
to build a library in Takoma Park, one of the suburbs of the 
District of Columbia. The citizens living in that place are 
willing to donate the site, and all that the Congress is asked 
is to allow it to be done. Why should we refuse? 

The bill appropriates no money at present out of the Treas- 
ury. All that we are asked to do is to accept this donation 
from Mr. Carnegie in the interest of education. The people of 
Takoma Park are donating the land, and all Congress will have 
to do in the future is to maintain the library. That is what 
the citizens in every city of this country are doing in regard 
to libraries donated by the generosity of Mr. Carnegie. The 
District of Columbia should certainly do the same. 

The necessity for public libraries is everywhere acknowl- 
edged. They supplement the school system and are an Integral 
factor in popular education. When it is considered that only 
a small percentage of the population continues in school after 
the compulsory period has been reached, it is easy to see what 
a free Circulating library may do in helping a man to continue 
his education by reading; to study along the lines of his trade 
or business ; to improve his mind ; and increase his earning 
capacity by a greater knowledge of matters of moment. 

2 34786 — 8866 



As an effective educational institution the public library of 
the District of Columbia is ranked among the very first in the 
country. During the last fiscal year it had a circulation of 
600,000 volumes and an estimated attendance of S50,000. It 
serves well the people of the District. It can not, however, 
reach those who live long distances from the building. If a 
man needs a book, he can, of course, get on a car and travel 
back and forth for it. But the work which the central library 
does in helping school children with their class work, debates, 
and so forth ; all the literature it puts at the disposal of me- 
chanics, business men, government employees, and its wide 
variety of patrons is largely restricted to the population living 
in a radius of 2 miles from the library. 

The people who live in Takoma Park are 6 miles from this 
central library. They can use the library, at best, with great 
difficulty. Their children are now practically without library 
service. These people are anxious for library privileges. They 
have taken active steps to obtain a branch library and have 
united in securing a very well-located and excellent site. 
When citizens actually take practical steps like this it indicates 
that they feel the need and are doing their best to have it sup- 
plied. We should help them. To do otherwise will be as short- 
sighted now as it will be contrary in the end to sound public 
policy. 

Mr. Chairman, I am in favor of these public libraries. They 
do a great deal of good. Their establishment should be encour- 
aged. They help the parents and the children. This library 
will help the boys and girls. It will aid the men and the women 
who want to improve themselves by reading and studying along 
the various lines of their endeavors. I know of no agency in 
America save our public schools that is doing so much good for 
our citizenship; so much for the general weal; and so much 
Cor the perpetuity of our democratic institutions as the free 
libraries. Their facility for free education is the greatest bless- 
ing vouchsafed to America and the surest guaranty for the 
safety of our freedom. Instead of being criticised Andrew Car- 
negie should be commended for all that he has done and is 
doing for the free libraries of America. 

3478G— 8866 



We ought to favor whenever and wherever we can the build- 
ing and the maintenance of these free libraries for all the peo- 
ple, where every boy and every girl and every man and every 
woman can go, get a book, and study. There is no way in 
which so much good can be accomplished, no way in which the 
people of the country can be benefited so much ; no way in which 
to induce a desire to study and a love for great books; and to 
maintain a proper respect for the sanctity of home and for 
law and order among the people as through the good books 
the people get and read from these free circulating libraries. 
I think their establishment by law is wise legislation; the 
money for their maintenance well expended ; and all for the 
benefit of the masses, and destined beyond doubt to promote the 
general welfare. All honor and all praise to Andrew Carnegie; 
and all success and all prosperity to the free circulating libraries 
he is establishing in America. [Applause.] 
34786—8866 

O 



I Am In Favor of Real Economy. 



SPEECH 

OP 

HON. WILLIAM SULZER, 

of new york, 

In the House of Representatives, 

June 25, 1910. 

The House having under consideration the bill (H. R. 20578) making 

appropriations for the payment of invalid and other pensions of the 

United States for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1911, and for other 

purposes — 

Mr. SULZER said: 

Mr. Speaker : We hear much about economy ; but it is the 
pound-foolish and the penny-wise kind of economy that sounds 
well and means little. All I desire to say now is that I 
am in favor of real economy, real retrenchment, and real 
reform. I denounce, however, that false economy that dis- 
misses the faithful clerks from the departments, after long 
years of efficient service, to save a few dollars; that bogus 
economy that deprives the poor pensioner of his rights to save 
a few dollars ; tbat pretended economy that breaks the promise 
to the veteran soldier and withholds the money long due the 
men who saved the Union. [Applause.] That is sham econ- 
omy, and there is nothing to it but hollow pretense. It fools 
none but the unthinking. I am not in favor of tbat kind of 
economy — away with it, I say. [Applause.] 

Where are tbe friends of real economy when it comes to a 
question of cutting down tbe great appropriation bills, carrying 
millions and millions of dollars? Where are the watchdogs of 
the Treasury when all rules are suspended and the " powers 
that be" in Congress rush through the army, and the navy, and 
the rivers and harbors, and the public buildings bills, appropri- 
ating hundreds of millions of dollars? 

The echo answers " Where?" Here is where I am in favor 
of economizing. Then it is that I am in favor of using the 
pruning knife. Let it be understood that those who are re- 
50300—0^77 



sponsible here for these great appropriation bills have not 
practiced what they preached, have no1 practiced the economy 
thai they could have practiced, and yet they arc continually 

harping upon the necessity of economizing, and delight to begin 
on the poor and the needy. I would like to see them economize 
a little on the big matters. Out, I say, on such false economy 
and such transparent hypocrisy! [Applause.] 

Just a few words more on the extravagance of this session 
of Congress. Its record for wasting the money of the people 
will eclipse any session of Congress in the history of the coun- 
try. To talk about economy now in the face of this plundering 
record is an insult to the taxpayers and a libel on the word 
"economy." Lei us see what the figures show — millions and 
millions of dollars more than ever before — a billion dollar ses- 
sion and then millions and millions more with a vengeance. 
The figures show that the session of Congress just closing has 
broken all records in the history of the Republic in the amount 
of money appropriated and authorized to be expended. It has 
no parallel. The total amount of the appropriations and au- 
thorizations as calculated approximate $1,054,086,941. This 
exceeds by about Slo.nno.ouo the total of the appropriations 
and authorizations made at the last regular session of Con- 
gress. The amount of the appropriations in the last regular 
session was, in round numbers, #1,044,000,000. When is it going 
to stop? Where is the economy that was talked about all ses- 
sion'/ That is what the taxpayers would like to know. Is it 
any wonder the people demand a change'.' 

The SPEAKER. The time of the gentleman from New York 
has expired. 

Mr. SULZER. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to 
print in the Record, in connection with my remarks, a letter 
fnii! the Assistant Secretary of the Treasury and a comparative 
statement of figures. 

The SPEAKER. Is there objection. [After a pause.] The 
Chair hears none. 

The letter and statement are as follows: 

TltKASTliY DEPARTMENT, 

Washington, June 1). ifiio. 
non. William Silzrb, 

e of l.'i pr< sen hitivrx. 
Bib: In reply in your communication of recent date, requesting a 
Btatement showing ii itlve annual cosl of the Government 

mulcr the administrations of Presidents Cleveland, McKinley, Roosevelt, 
and Taft, I have the honor to inclose herewith a statement <>f the ordi- 
nary disbursements, Including the Panama Canal, for the period, by 
years, beginning March l. 
50300—9277 



Tne disbursements on account of the canal to May 31, 1910, include 
$87,309,594.S3 from proceeds of bonds aDd premium, and $1 14,032,- 
908.73 paid from the general cash in the Treasury. 

The ordinary disbursements include grants from the Treasury for de- 
ficiencies in postal revenues, but do not include expenditures for the 
postal service from postal revenues under control of the Postmaster- 
General. 

Respectfully, A. Piatt Andrew, 

Assistant Secretary. 
Statement of disbursements by annual periods from March 1, 1893, to 
May 31, 1910. 



President Cleveland: 

March 1, 1S93, to March 1, 1894. 
March 1, 1894, to March 1, 189.3. 
March 1, 1895, to March 1, 1S9G. 
March 1, 1S96, to March 1, 1897. 



President McKinley: 

March 1, 1S9T, to March 1, 1898. 
March 1, 1898, to March 1, 1S99. 
March 1. 1S99, to March 1, 1900. 
March 1, 1900, to March 1, 1901. 



President McKinley to Septem- 
ber, 1901: President Roosevelt 
from September, 1901: 

March 1, 1901, to March 1, 1905. 

March 1, 1902, to March 1, 1903. 

March 1, 1903, to March 1, 1904. 

March 1, 1904, to March 1, 190.3. 



President Roosevelt: 

March 1, 1905, to March 1. 1906. 
March 1, 1906, to March 1. 1907 
March 1, L907, to March 1. 1908 
March 1, 1908, to March 1, 1909. 



President Taft: 

March 1. II 09, to March 1, 1910.. 
March 1, 1910, to May 31, 1910... 



Ordinary dis- 
bursements. 



Panama 
Canal. 



S371, 269,576. 28 

366, 650, 441.79' 

351,091,307.531 

364,559,007.55 .. 



Disburse 

ment 

eluding 

canal. 



m- 



$371,269,576.28 
366,650,441.79 
351,094,307.53 
364,559,067.55 



1,453,573,393.15 



1,453,573, 393. 15 



3S1 ,883,198.27] 
596, 415, 625. 64 : 
521,476,500.85 
498,996,295.21 



381,883,198.27 
596,415,625.04 
521,476,500.85 

49S,996,295.21 



1, 99S, 771, 619. 97 il, 90S, 771, 619. 97 



477,650,220.17 477,650,220.17 

495,740,162.83 $3,nS5.00 495.744.1 (7. S3 

522, 222,, 90. 37 15,000.00 522 237 790 37 

501,000,062.12 51,811,916.73 012,902,028 85 



2,056,673,255.49 51 ,S60,931.73 2, 108, 534. 1S7. 22 



$556,980,404.88 $13,560,073 89 $570 540 478 77 

540,842.526.13 23,889,099.23 7,70, :'S1 <;-\3 36 

587,014,697.89 37,462,954.67 624, 177,652 56 

659,337,645.28 31,776,485.93 691,114,031.21 



2, 350, 175, 174. IS 106, 038, 613. 72 2, 456, 813.7S7. 90 



660,206,614.41 33,868,582.18 694,075,196 59 
t, 035.60 9,024,375.98 162,606,411.53 



S13,790,050.01 42,892,958.1] 856,683, 606.12 



Note.— This statement is exclusive of transactions in the public debt 
mi oi expenditures fur the postal service paid from postal revenues. 



and of expen 

50:J00— 9277 



o 



Any attmept to fasten this odious system of ship subsidies on 
the legislative policy of the country is unDemocvatic, un- 
Republican, and unAmerican. 



SPEECH 



OF 



HON. WILLIAM STJLZER 



OF NEW YORK 



IN THE 



HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 



MARCH 3, 1900 






WAS] M N< 1-TON 
1909 



SPEECH 

OF 

IIOX. WILLIAM SULZEE. 



0( i W MAIL. 



Mr. MOON of Tennessee. Mr. Speaker, T yield fifteen min- 
utes to the gentleman from New York [Mr. Sulzeb], 

The SPEAKER. The gentleman from New York [Mr. Sul- 
zeb] is recognized for fifteen minutes. 

Mr. SULZER. Mr. Speaker, the proposition under considera- 
tion is essentially a ship-subsidy bill — nothing more and nothing 
less. Call it what you will, the subsidy features can not be dis- 
guised. It is a subsidy subterfuge, and the merest kind of a 
miserable makeshift. If it is Into law, it will r< lard 

intelligent shipping legislation for a decade at least I am op- 
to the 'ill. ami l trust it will be decisively defeated. 

I am now, ami always have been, and always expect to be 
absolutely opposed to ship subsidies of every kind thai rob the 
many Tor the benefit of the few. Ship subsidies do not build 
ships; they create ocean-trading monopolies. Ship subsidies 
will not give workmen employment in American shipyards; the 
money taken without justification from the Treasury of the 
people will simply go into the capacious pockets of the benefi- 
ciaries of the Skipping trust. Every BCheme of this kind simply 
permits respectable corruption and benefits the few at the ex- 
pense of the many. The principle of ship subsidies is inherently 
wrong and absolutely indefe '"I no man who under- 

stands the question ran justify the robbery in the face of the 
facts. | Loud applause. 1 

Mr. Speaker, there is no man in this country more anxious 
and more willing to enact proper legislation to restore the 
American merchant marine than myself, but I want to do it 
honestly; 1 wanl !■> do it along constitutional lines: and I want 
to do it in harmony with that fundamental American principle 
of equal rights to all and special privileges to none. I Applause.] 

For years r have been advocating honest and intelligent 
legislation to restox*e our merchant marine, and for years the 
Republican majority in this House has turned t<> my app< 
deaf ear. The Republican party is responsible for the present 
deplorable condition of our merchant marine, and every intel- 
ligent student <>>' the subject is aware of the fact. 

in L896 the Republican party wrote in its national platform 
a plank to restore the American merchant marine by discrimi- 
nating duties. That meant something, bid Mr. Uanna. the then 
leader of the Republican party, came to Congress and instead 
of adhering to that plan he introduced a bill \'<<y ship subsidies, 
an outrageous measure which was overwhelmingly defeated. 
Thereupon I introduced a bill for discriminating duties, and the 
Republicans refused to allow ii in be considered. Such is the 
consistency of the grand old party. 

The Republican party abandoned the plank id' 1S96 fur dis- 
criminating duties and did not have the courage to readopl it. or 
renounce ii. in iis platform of 1900, and studiously avoided COm- 
T.-.oss 8101 



3 

mitting its followers to any policy in its platforms of 1904 and 
1908. No political party in all the history of our country lias 
ever dared to write in its platform a plank in favor of ship 
subsidies, and, in my opinion, no party that does not welcome 
defeat will ever do it. 

The Republican leaders in Congress, notwithstanding their 
party professions to the contrary, have been advocating ever 
since I have been in the House of Representatives, the restora- 
tion of the American merchant marine by ship subsidies, by 
gratuities that rob all the people in order to foster a special 
industry. I am opposed to ship subsidies, and this proposition 
is a ship-subsidy measure pure and simple. It is a little ship 
subsidy, it is true, and that is the apology its advocates now 
make for it. It is just a little subsidy, forsooth, but I warn the 
Members that it is the entering wedge to open the Treasury of 
the people, and if it is adopted it means in the end a gigantic 
raid on the country's finances, not for $3,000,000 a year, but for 
$30,000,000 a year, and for years and years to come. 

This proposal before us to-day, if it be successful, is the be- 
ginning of a systematic scheme to rob all the people for the 
benefit of a few, and if it is rushed through under the party 
lash in the closing hours of Congress, I predict that the people, 
from one end of the land to the other, will denounce it in un- 
measured terms and never rest content until it is repealed. 

The American people are unalterably opposed to a ship-sub- 
sidy raid on the Treasury. A subsidy is a bounty, a bonus, a 
gratuity, and it never has succeeded, and it never will succeed, 
in accomplishing the purpose desired. All history proves it 
conclusively. Wherever and whenever it has been tried it has 
failed. In my opinion, if a subsidy bill should pass it would 
not restore our American merchant marine or aid our ship- 
building industries. It is a waste of time to talk about ship 
subsidies, and I believe every honest American is opposed to 
them. We might just as well pass a bill to pay a subsidy to 
every man who grows a bushel of wheat or a bale of cotton as 
to pay a subsidy to the man who sails a ship. [Laughter and 
applause.] 

Now, sir, it appears to me that the people who are clamoring 
the loudest for this ship-subskly bill are the bounty beggaa*s who 
will get the subsidies; but, so far as I have been able to find 
out, I have heard no demand from the honest folk of the coun- 
try in favor of this iniquitous measure to take money out of 
the Treasury of the people and pay it over to the American ship- 
ping trust. 

This is an inopportune time, it seems to mc, to ask for ship 
subsidies, when the Treasury is bankrupted and the people all 
over the country are demanding a revision of (he tariff, espe- 
cially a reduction of those tax schedules which shelter monopoly 
and give protection to Hie trusts that sell their manufactured 
wares cheaper abroad than they do at home. Bui it scon:s that 
the chief argument of these ship-subsidy schemers, reduced to 
its last analysis, amounts to aboul this: As all other monopolies 
are protected, therefore the shipping monopoly must he pro- 
tected: as all other trusts are licensed to nil) the many tor the 
benefit of the few. therefore the shipping trust must have an 
Opportunity to pilfer the people and gel its share of the spoils. 

The plea, however, seems to come at a very unfortunate time. 

because the Treasury is empty, and from ..no end of the land to 
75088—8101 



di" oilier iiir people are demanding ad only the prosecution 
of the criminal trusis. but a substantial reduction of all pro- 
tective tariff taxes that aid and Bhelter monopoly. 

The taxpayers of our country, burdened now almosi beyond 
endurance, are opposed to ship subsidies. They are opposed to 
anj gift bill. They say no private business Interests should be 
aided by direct grants from the Treasury. Ship subsidies are 
subversive of the eternal principles of justice and equality, con- 
trary i" tin- theory of our free Institutions, of doubtful expe- 
diency, and at war with the spirit of the Constitution. Con- 
gress has no power to subsidize any trade <>r any calling, on 
land or sea. at the expense of the taxpayers of our country. 
Any attempt to fasten this odious system of ship subsidies on 
the legislative policy of the country is unDemocratlc, un- 
Republican, and unAmerican. [Applause.] 

Mr. Speaker. I am now. always have been, and always will 
be a friend Of the American merchant marine. I long for the 
coming of the day when American ships will be on every sea 
ami our flag gloriously floating on the breeze in every port I 
am willing to go as far as any man in this country to legislate 
for the restoration of the American merchant marine to all its 
former glory and to secure for the American people their just 
Share of the over-seas carrying trade. I know, and every man 
who lias investigated this subject knows, that our loss of deep- 
sea commerce is due entirely to our own iniquitous legislation 
and shortsighted policies. If the-American Congress would leg- 
islate intelligently regarding this subject, we could restore our 
merchant marine and secure nine-tenths of all our commerce 
on the bigh seas, exports and imports, without a ship subsidy 
or without taking a single dollar from the pockets of the tax- 
payers. This whole subject is a very simple matter when re- 
duced to an intelligent business proposition. We do not need 
to take a dollar out of the pockets of the taxpayers, or out of 
the Treasury of the United States to revive our shipbuilding 
industries and restore our merchant marine. 

Ali we need to do is to legislate intelligently, repeal the 
iniquitous laws against our deep-sea Shipping now on our statute 
books, put in their place laws similar to the navigation laws 
that were enacted by the early statesmen of the country, 
laws thai built up our merchant marine in (host! historic days, 
laws that placed our flag on the high seas and gave us nine- 
tenthS of our entire over-seas carrying trade. Why not do this 
and abandon these futile attempts to enact ship subsidies? !f 
we would only follow in the steps of the fathers, we could speed- 
ily restore our ocean carrying trade, revive our shipbuilding 
industries, give employment in our shipyards to thousands and 
thousands of men in all parts of tbe country, bring about an era 
of prosperity such as we have never known before in our ship- 
ping trade and deep-sea commerce, place our flag on ships in 

every sea. and make the American sailor what he was in the 
historic days of the Republic— the pride of the people and the 
arbiter of the ocean highways of the world. [Applause.] 

it is a simple matter, and would be done run for the cor- 
roding Influence of special interests and the tenacious grasp of 
monopolist lc greed. 

'the SPEAKER. The time of the gentleman from New York 
has expired, 
75088—8101 

o 



THERE IS NO GIFT IN THE REPUBLIC TOO GREAT FOR 
THE MEN WHO SAVED THE REPUBLIC. 



FROM A SPEECH 

OF 

HON. WILLIAM SULZEE. 

OF NEW YORK, 
In the House of Representatives, 

April 15, 1910. 
***** 

Mr. SULZER said: 

I introduced this bill because I am a friend of the 
soldiers who saved the Union, and I want to reward 
them while they live. Nobody here can ever say, 
and nobody outside of these halls will ever be able 
to say, that during the sixteen years I have been a 
Member of this House I ever voted against a bill in 
the interests of the soldiers and sailors who saved 
the Union. This is a rich country; this is a great 
country; this is the grand Republic; and it is all so 
to a very large extent on account of what the brave 
and gallant men who marched from the North did in 
the great struggle for the Union. We owe them a 
debt of gratitude we never can pay, and gratitude, my 
friends, is the fairest flower that sheds its perfume in 
the human heart. We should be grateful to the sol- 
diers who fought that great war to a successful end. 
I can not bring my ideas in favor of this bill down to 
the level of mere dollars and cents. I place my views 
on higher ground. I want it to pass for patriotism — 
the noblest sentiment that animates the soul of man. 
I say that there is no gift in the Republic too great for 

the men who saved the Republic. 

* * * * * 

II si; i 9009 

O 



MAJOR-GENERAL DANIEL E. SICKLES. 

SPEECH 

OF 

HON. WILLIAM SULZER, 

OF NEW YORK, 

In the House or Representatives, 

April 15, 1910. 
The House being in Committee of the Whole House on the state of the 
Union and having under consideration the bill (H. R. 133S3) to author- 
ize the President of the United States to appoint Maj. Gen. Daniel E. 
Sickles, retired, to be a lieutenant-general of the United States Army — 

Mr. SULZER said: 

Mr. Chairman : This bill simply allows the President, with 
the consent of the Senate, to place General Sickles one grade 
higher on the retired list of the army — to give him the rank of 
lieutenant-general for heroic services. My sense of gratitude 
is shocked by the personal antagonism this patriotic measure 
has aroused. It is little less than a national disgrace. 

When the greatest war for human liberty in the history of 
the world began, Daniel E. Sickles was a prominent Member 
of this House from the city of New York. He immediately went 
to President Lincoln, one of the greatest apostles of human free- 
dom in all the annals of time, and offered his services to help 
save the Union, the noblest impulse that ever animated the heart 
of man. He asked for no command. He requested no office. 
He wanted no title. His patriotic heart was aflame for the 
Union, and he enlisted as a private in the war. Senator Han- 
nibal Hamlin and many others insisted that he ought to be an 
officer on account of his military training and experience. Sickles 
having been for many years a major in the militia of the State 
of New York. President Lincoln thereupon sent for him and 
told him to go to New York and organize and equip a regi- 
ment of volunteers, and that the President would appoint 
him the colonel. Sickles went back to New York and at his 
own expense organized and equipped, not one regiment of volun- 
teers, but five regiments. They were mustered into the service 
as the Excelsior brigade, and Abraham Lincoln nomimtted. and 
the Senate of the United States confirmed, Sickles as colonel 
of the First Regiment. 

The Excelsior brigade needs no eulogy. A braver body of 
men never lived. It made history. Sickles saw much hard 
fighting. Pie was rapidly promoted for bravery and valor 
on the field. He participated in nearly every battle of the 
Army of the Potomac from Bull Run to Gettysburg. He was 
nominated by the President and confirmed by the Senate as 
a brigadier and a major-general. He rendered most heron- 
and important services as a commander at Malvern Hill, at 
Antietam, and at many oilier sanguinary engagements, but his 
eternal fame as a military chieftain rests on what he did at 
38126—8930 



Gettysburg. According to the testimony of experts here and 
abroad Who have Studied and written about the civil war It is 
conceded that Gettysburg was the decisive battle of the great 
conflict. If Lee bad won at Gettysburg, the Union would have 
been severed in twain, the Capitol at Washington would have 
fallen in the hands of the confederacy, and foreign nations 
would have then recognized the South. Sickles won the battle 
of Gettysburg. Thai is history now, and no reward in the gift 
of a grateful country should be denied this grand old soldier. 

Mr. Chairman, there is much to commend this bill and many 
reasons why it Should become a law. (Jen. Daniel E. Sickles 
was one of the most gallant and distinguished officers in the 
Army of the Potomac and merits, in the opinion of those most 
competent to testify, any honor the Republic he helped to save 
can bestow on him in the sunset of his long and useful and 
patriotic life. He is the one heroic living figure of the great 
civil conflict and the last of the great corps commanders of the 
war for the Union. 

General Sickles is now on the retired list as a major-general, 
and if this bill becomes a law it will simply place him on the 
"retired list" a grade higher, namely, that of lieutenant-gen- 
eral. In my opinion General Sickles deserves this honor, and 
I can hardly believe that any person familiar with the great 
services he rendered in the crucial hour of the life of the Na- 
tion will begrudge him the distinction. 

War experts the world over have testified that General 
Sickles is the hero of the battle of Gettysburg; and his brav- 
ery in that terrible struggle has stirred the heart of every 
patriotic American, and is one of the brightest pages in the his- 
tory of the Republic. He deserves well of his country, and will 
ever be remembered by a grateful people. 

What an eventful career Daniel E. Sickles has had. He was 
born in New York City on the 20th day of October. 1825, and 
is now in his eighty-fifth year. He received an academic edu- 
cation, studied law. and was admitted to the bar in 1846, and 
began practice in New York City. His illustrious career typifies 
the opportunities of the Republic. It is a lesson to every Ameri- 
can schoolboy. In 1S47 he was elected to the legislature of 
New York, and quickly took a prominent part in its affairs. In 
1849 he joined the Twelfth Regiment of the National Guard of 
the State of New York, and in 1851 became the major of the 
regiment. In 1853 he was made corporation attorney of New 
York City, and in the same year was appointed secretary to 
the American legation at London, and accompanied James 
Buchanan to England. He returned to Xew York in is."."i, and 
in the fall of that year was elected to the senate of the State of 
New York, in which he became a conspicuous figure as its most 
brilliant orator. In 1856 he was elected to Congress. He was 
reelected in 1858. and served until March 3. 1861. It is doubt- 
ful if there be many living who saw earlier service in this 
House. 

At the beginning of the civil war, as I have stated, at his own 
expense, he raised, organized, drilled, and equipped at Camp 
Scott, on Staten Island, in the bay of New York, the famous 
Excelsior Brigade of United States Volunteers, and was com- 
missioned by President Lincoln colonel of the first of the five 
regiments. On September 3, 1861, he was made a brigadier-gen- 
38126— 8'.' 30 



eral of volunteers. He commanded his brigade in the Army of 
the Potomac and gained great distinction in the battles of Fair 
Oaks and Malvern Hill. His brigade also saw service in the 
seven days' fight before Richmond, and afterwards bore a con- 
spicuous part in the Antietam campaign. He succeeded General 
Hooker in command of the second division of the Third Army 
Corps and greatly distinguished himself at Fredericksburg. 

On the reorganization of the Army of the Potomac under 
Hooker in February, 1S63, he was assigned to the command of 
the Third Army Corps and. was appointed major-general on the 
7th day of March, 1863, his commission dating from the 29th day 
of November, 1S62. He displayed great gallantry at Chancellors- 
ville, gaining the first success of the day by cutting off the rear 
of Jackson's forces and arresting a general panic amongst 
the retreating artillery and troops of the Eleventh Corps and re- 
sisting Stonewall Jackson's attack with a skill and determina- 
tion that won the admiration of friend and foe. 

At Gettysburg his corps was posted on the left flank near 
Little Round Top. He advanced to the front on more elevated 
ground, which he thought desirable to hold, and in this position 
was assailed by Gen. James Longstreet's entire assaulting 
column, while Gen. John B. Hood endeavored to gain the un- 
occupied slope of Little Round Top. In the desperate struggle 
that followed Sickles's Third Corps effectively aided in pre- 
serving that important position, but was greatly shattered by 
the onset of overwhelming numbers under Longstreet. After 
the line was broken Gen. Ambrose P. Hill followed the con- 
federate advantage with an attack on Sickles's right, during 
which General Sickles lost a leg, but remained on the field in 
command of the troops — an act of heroism seldom witnessed 
in all the history of war and for which he received the thanks 
of Congress and the congressional " medal of honor." 

In this connection let me read a letter written by General 
Longstreet, which confirms all I have said about Sickles at 
Gettysburg : 

Department of the Interior, 

Washington, September 19, 1902. 

My Dear General Sickles : My plan and desire was to meet you at 
Gettysburg on the interesting ceremony attending the unveiling of the 
Slocum monument ; but to-day I find myself in no condition to keep the 
promise made you when last we were togetheV. I am quite disabled 
from a severe hurt in one of my feet, so that I am unable to stand 
more than a minute or two at a time. Please express my sincere re- 
grets to the noble Army of the Potomac, and to accept them, especially, 
for yourself. 

On that field you made your mark that will place you prominently 
before the world as one of the leading figures of the most important 
battle of the civil war. As a northern veteran once remarked to me : 
" General Sickles can well afford to leave a leg on that field." 

I believe that it is now conceded that the advanced position at the 
peach orchard, taken by your corps and under your orders, saved that 
battlefield to the Union cause. It was the sorest and saddest reflection 
of my life for many years ; but to-day I can say with sincerest emotion 
that It was and is the best that could have come to us all, North and 
South, and I hope that the Nation, reunited, may always enjoy the 
honor and glory brought to It by that grand work. 

Please offer my kindest salutations to your governor and your fellow- 
comrades of the Army of the Potomac. 
Always, yours, sincerely, 

.Tames Longstreet. 
Lieutenant-General, Confederate Army. 

Gen. D. E. Sickles, 

(.'< Itysburg, Pa. 
38126—8930 



That letter speaks for itself and ids do further comment. 

It tells the story of Sickles mid what be did. After Gettysburg 

General Sickles continued La active service until the beginning 
"i 1866, and was then sent on a confidential mission by Presi- 
dent Lincoln to Colombia and other South American countries, 
where his mission was eminently successful and for which he 
received the thanks of Secretary Seward. 

On the 28th day of July. 1888, Sickles joined the Regular 
Army as colonel of the Forty-second Infantry. On March 2, 
isr.T, he was breveted brigadier-general for bravery at Fred- 
ericks! iui-.tr and major-general for gallant and meritorious serv- 
ice at Gettysburg. He commanded the military department of 
the Carolinas in INC.") and the military district of the Carolina* 
in IS(i-), isms, and isc.T. 

Governor I >rr, of South Carolina, in a letter to General Sickles 
dated September 7, 1867, says : 

In all the official intercourse which we have had I beg to tender you 
my thanks foi the uniform kindness and courtesy to which I have been 
treated personally and officially, and foe the disposition you have 
always manifested to make the burdens of the military government as 
light upon the people whom 1 represent as it was possible under the cir- 
cumstances. I have cot the pleasure of a personal acquaintance with 
your successor. General Canby, hut hope that my official relations with 
him may be marked with the same harmony and kind Feeling which 
characterized our official intercourse for nearly two years past. 

President Johnson offered General Sickles the mission to the 
Netherlands, which he declined for personal reasons. He was 
mustered out of the volunteer service on January 1. 1868, and on 
April 14, 1869, President Grant placed him on the retired list of 
the United States Army with the full rank of major-general. 

lie was a friend of General Grant, and the latter admired 
General Sickles and entertained a high opinion of his military 
ability and patriotism. On the 15th day of -May. 1869, President 
Grant appointed Sickles minister to Spain. He relinquished 
that important post on the 20th day of March, 1873, and resumed 
his residence in the city of New York, since which time he has 
served the people of his State several terms in Congress and in 
the legislature and in other high and important official positions 
of trust. He has been sheriff of New York County, by appoint- 
ment of Governor David B. Hill; president of the New York 
State board of civil-service commissioners, alderman, and the 
chairman of the hoard of commissioners of the State of New 
Yoik for the erection of monuments on the battlefields of the 
civil war. 

Mr. Chairman, few men in the history of the Republic have 
had such a long and such a useful and such a distinguished 
career, both in civil and military life. General Sickles has done 
much for our Republic, and his old comrades from one end of 
the land to the other feel that the least the Republic can do 
for this grand old warrior who did so much for his country in 
the darkest hour of its history is to place him, as he passes 
over the great divide into the dim beyond, on the "retired list" 
of the army its lieutenant-general along with the great soldiers 
of the Republic. 

Resolutions in favor of < his hill have been sent to Congress 

by the legislatures of New York and New Jersey, and strong 

appeals in favor of the measure have come to Members of the 

House of Representatives from veterans living in all quarters 

38126—8930 



of the Republic — from California to Connecticut, from Texas 
to Maine, from Colorado to New Jersey, and from Kansas to 
New York. 

In my opinion General Sickles deserves well of his country, 
and the brave soldiers in the North, as well as the gallant men 
of the Southland, who admire bravery and heroism, are anxious 
to cheer his declining days as the shadows darken with this 
additional recognition of his valor and his patriotism. This is 
especially just, when it is considered that the rank of lieutenant- 
general has been conferred upon Bates, and Young, and Corbin, 
and Chaffee, and others, some of whom performed very little 
service during the civil war. Why discriminate against Sickles? 
He was the greatest of them all. 

Five promotions to the grade of lieutenant-general have been 
made by Congress since 1900, and these officers all gained their 
chief rank during or since the war with Spain, whilst only 
three officers who gained distinction in the civil war were raised 
to the grade of lieutenant-general. It is plain, therefore, that 
this bill will not make a " bad precedent," but, on the contrary, 
this bill can not be a precedent, because there is no other among 
the major-generals on the retired list whose military record ap- 
proaches that of General Sickles. The true soldiers of the 
country, North and South, the grizzled veterans of the great 
conflict, petition Congress to pass this bill for General Sickles. 
Large numbers of the surviving officers of the civil war desire 
to have this additional honor conferred upon the victor of 
Gettysburg, and I confidently submit that a gi'ateful people, who 
realize the sacrifices Sickles made, will know the reason why 
if this bill fails to pass. 

Mr. Chairman, I was surprised to hear the gentleman from 
Massachusetts [Mr. Weeks], who knows so little, apparently, 
about the war and the record of the officers who participated 
in that great conflict, say that if Sickles had not lost a leg on 
the field at Gettysburg he would have been court-martialed. 
That statement is absolutely without substantial foundation. 
There is not a line in the records of the War Department that 
justifies it. I challenge the gentleman from Massachusetts to 
prove his words. 

Mr. GARDNER of Michigan. I beg the gentleman's pardon ; 
I did not know what he was talking about. My attention was 
diverted. 

Mr. SULZER. The gentleman should listen. I was replying 
to a remark of the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Weeks]. 
I am coming to what the gentleman from Michigan said. 
[Laughter.] The unreasonable opposition to this meritorious 
bill witnessed here to-day will be a revelation to-morrow to 
patriotic America and reflect no credit on some of the Members 
of this House. They will hear from the old soldiers at home. 

Well, Mr. Chairman, let us see for a moment just what was 
done at Gettysburg. Sickles was in command of the Third 
Army Corps. It is well known that neither Lee nor Meade 
wanted to fight at Gettysburg. But the battle was precipitated 
on Hie 1st day of July, and on that sanguinary field the destiny 
of the greatest Republic the sun has ever looked upon was deter- 
mined in favor of the Union. That struggle is history — that 
field is consecrated ground. No words can do it justice. On the 
second day of the battle the confederacy had all the advnnt.-ige. 
Lee and Longstreel would have won had it not been for what 
38126— 8980 



G 

Sickles did. Ee took t ho celebrated position In the peach 
orchard. He held thai strategic point against the onslaught of 
the battalions of Longstreet He checked the confederate ad- 
vance, lie Baved Little Round t<>i> to the Federals, and Little 
Round Top saved the day, and that historic second day at Get- 
tysburg saved the I'nion. Longstreet says that, and Longstreet 
was one of the greatest soldiers of modern times. Read the 
testimony of what t lie English and the French and the German 
military experts have said about it. The best soldiers of the 
war on both sides have testified that Sickles saved the day. 
That is the proof. If I were arguing this case before a jury, 
I would win on this testimony, and on this testimony alone. 

But, unfortunately, I am not arguing the case before an im- 
partial jury. I am arguing it before partisan Members of Con- 
gress. Bui we must not forget that our predecessors voted unan- 
imously the thanks of the Congress of the United States to Gen- 
eral Sickles, and he is entitled, by reason of those thanks, under 
the rule, to the privileges of this floor. I felt hurt when the 
Member from New York LMr. MICHAEL B. Driscoll] referred to 
this grand old grizzled warrior, who has done so much for his 
country in civil and in military life, in the way that he did. 
General Sickles sat in a seat here a few weeks ago. visiting the 
House as he has done for many, many years, but the gentleman 
from New York said that he was here lobbying for this bill. I 
challenge him or any other Member of this House to say that 
Sickles ever asked a Member to vote for this bill. Nobody can 
get up and say so. He never asked me to introduce this bill, and 
I believe that he has never asked a Member of this House to 
vote for it. I introduced it because I am a friend of the sol- 
diers who saved the Union, and I want to reward them while 
they live. Nobody here can ever say, and nobody outside of 
these halls will ever be able to say, that during the sixteen 
years I have been a Member of this House I ever voted against 
a bill in the interests of the soldiers and sailors who saved the 
Union. I only wish I could say as much for others on the 
floor of this i louse. This is a rich country; this is a great 
country; this is the grand Republic; and it is all so to a very 
large extent on account of what the brave and gallant men who 
marched from the North did in the great struggle for the Union. 

We owe them a debt of gratitude we never can pay, and grat- 
itude, my friends, is the fairest flower that sheds its perfume 
in the human heart. [Applause.l We should be grateful to 
the soldiers who fought that great war to a successful end. The 
gentleman from Iowa [Mr. Hull] argues against this bill, like 
the gentleman from Michigan [Mr. Gardner] and the gentleman 
from Illinois I Mr. I'rince], on the ground that General Sickles 
is a rich man. lie probably will never go to the poorhouse, and 
I hope he never will ; but he is not a very rich man. And if he 
were, that is a very weak and a most unpatriotic argument 
to make. I can not bring my ideas in favor of this bill down 
to the level of mere dollars and cents. I place my views on 
higher ground. I want it to pass for patriotism. I say that 
there is no gift in the Republic too great for the men who 
saved the Republic; and. according to the testimony of Lincoln 
and of Grant, of Sheridan and of Lee and of Longstreet, 
Sickles is one of the great soldiers of the civil war— one of the 
saviors of the Nation. All the great soldiers of the world who 
38126—8930 



have written upon that titanic struggle say that (General Sickles 
not only saved the day at Gettysburg, but they say that he was 
one of the greatest volunteer generals the war produced, North 
or South ; and I will take the testimony of those experts. 

Now, another thing, General Sickles was retired by President 
Grant in 1S69 as a major-general in the Regular Army. He 
went upon the retired list, and is to-day the ranking major- 
general of the Regular Army. His record stands alone. There 
is nothing like it in the annals of America. Sickles stands out 
in bold relief in our temple of eternal fame. 

President Grant appointed Sickles minister to Spain when 
he was retired as a major-general. He served as minister 
to Spain during Grant's administration. During that time he 
never drew a dollar of his pay as a major-general. There was 
nothing in the law that prevented him from taking it. 

Mr. HULL of Iowa. Will the gentleman allow me to ask 
him a question? 

Mr. SULZER. I have only a few minutes left. There is no 
record in the War Department or in Congress that General 
Sickles ever put in a claim for the amount of money he ex- 
pended in organizing and equipping the Excelsior Brigade. 
He is now 85 years old; and I doubt very much whether he 
will live long to receive pay under this bill if it should be- 
come law. What a weak, specious argument for a Member of 
this House to make against this legislation — that it may give 
this grand old hero a few dollars a year more. I have heard 
some of the arguments by some of the so-called military ex- 
perts of the House regarding the grade of lieutenant-general. 
I want to say something about the grade of lieutenant-general. 
In foreign countries, in every first-class military power of the 
world, the grade of lieutenant-general is not the highest grade 
for a great soldier. There are grades above it ; but in America 
the highest grade that has ever been conferred upon any soldier, 
■except Washington and Grant, has been the grade of lieutenant- 
general. Now, gentlemen get up and talk about this grade as if 
it were something sacred, as if it were such a tremendous honor ; 
that it had not been bestowed upon anybody except Washington, 
and Scott, and Grant, and Sherman, and Sheridan. But let me 
say that the members of the Military Affairs Committee now op- 
posed to this bill recently put on an appropriation bill a proviso 
making Miles, Corbin, Chaffee. Bates, Young, and MacArthur 
lieutenant-generals, and not one of them ever commanded a corps 
in the civil war. Now, these same Members say that this grand 
old veteran, one of the greatest volunteer soldiers in the history 
of America, should not be made a lieutenant-general because it 
might establish a precedent. My friends, that argument is too 
specious to receive the consideration of intelligent Members of 
this House. And when they say the bill will give Sickles a few 
dollars more, I ask 3 r ou how many more years do you think 
General Sickles is going to live to receive anything? 

Just a few words more and this matter will be submitted to 
the judgment of this House. Nearly every soldier now alive and 
who fought in the war for the Union and reached the rank of 
brigadier-general has written a letter in favor of this bill. I 
want to appeal to all for justice to this grand old soldier, this 
heroic warrior, this man who during all the years of his life 
has done so much for his country, his State, and his city. I want 
381^0—8930 



8 

to bring to your notice the fact that a previous Congress wont 
as far as it could in its day when it unanimously thanked sickles 
for all that he did. I call your attention i<» the fad thai during 
the time General Sickles served as a Member <>f this House he 
rendered distinguished service t<» the cause of good government, 
and we should show our appreciation by giving him this addi- 
tional honor before be passes over the great divide to that un- 
discovered country from whose bourne no traveler returns. 

My friends, just a few words more. General Slckles's career 
is finished. He is a very old man. T I is great work is done. 
lie lias run the race. He has fought the good light. lie ean 
live at best but 8 brief time. Who is there so unpatriotic that 
he would refuse this honor to this grand old battle-scarred vet- 
eran, with his gallant and heroic record? [Loud applause.] 
3812G— 8UoO 



Justice to the Men who Saved the Union 



SPEECH 



HON. WILLIAM SULZER 



OF NEW YORK 



HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 



TUESDAY, JUNE 14, 1010 



»!? 



62132 9343 



"WASHING'J'ON 
1910 



SPEECH 

OF 

HON. WILLIAM SULZEE. 



The House being in Committee of the Whole House on the state of the 
Tnion and having under consideration the bill (H. R. 26730) making 
appropriations to supply deficiencies in appropriations for the fiscal year 
1910, and for other purposes — 

Mr. SULZER said: 

Mr. Chairman : In the closing hours of this session of con- 
gress let me again say a few words for justice to the soldiers 
and the sailors of the Union, for the bravest men on land and 
sea that ever faced a foe, for those heroic men who saved the 
Republic from destruction during the darkest hour in all our 
history. They need no eulogy. The glorious Union is their 
everlasting monument. For ages yet to come their achievements 
will be sung in song and story. 

Nearly fifty years have passed since the close of the great 
civil war — a conflict unparalleled in the annals of time. More 
than two-thirds of the soldiers and the sailors who participated 
in that tremendous struggle have been gathered to the fathers, 
and those that remain will soon cross the " great divide " to join 
their comrades on " fame's eternal camping ground." During 
the few years they will be with us on earth I believe it is the 
duty of the Government to care for those in poverty and dis- 
tress and to see to it that none lack the necessaries of life. 

Our soldiers and our sailors should be generously treated by 
the Government they did so much to preserve. That is the least 
we can do for them in their declining years. Those that are 
incapacitated and dependent should be liberally pensioned, and 
their widows and orphans should be the wards of the Republic. 
As Lincoln said, the Nation should care for those who have 
borne the battle and for their widows and orphans, so that BOOB 
shall be left in want and destitution. 

I minted wilh these ideas, I introduced a patriotic bill to 
redeem the promise to the volunteers, because I am a friend id' 
the men who saved the Union, and I want to reward them 
while they live. Nobody here can ever say, and nobody out- 
side of these halls will ever be able to say, that during the 
52132—9343 3 



Bixteeo years T have been a Member <>f this House I ever voted 
against a Mil In the Interest of the Boldiers and sailors who 
Baved the Onion. This Is a rich country; this is the land <>f 
liberty; this is the grand Republic; and it is all so to a very 
large extent on account of what the brave and gallant men who 
sarched from the North did in the mighty simple for the 
Union. We owe them a debt of gratitude we never can pay; 
and gratitude, my friends, is the fairest flower thai sheds its 
perfume iu the human heart. We should be grateful to the 
soldiers who fought thai great war to a successful end. 1 can 
not bring my Ideas of justice and gratitude in this matter down 
"to the low level of mere dollars and cents. I place my views 
on higher ground. I want this hill to pass for patriotism — the 
noblest sentiment thai animates the soul of man. I say that 
there is no gift in the Republic too great for the men who saved 
the Republic. 

I am now, always have been, and always will he the friend of 
the soldiers and the sailors of the Union. I am proud of the 
fact that I am called the '"old soldiers' champion; " and I want 
to say again what I have frequently said on the floor of this 
House, that in Congress or out of Congress, the men who saved 
the Union can always depend on me to do all in my power to 
see to it that they get their just rights and the thanks of a 
grateful Republic. 

A great reunited people now owe their repose and peace at 
home, their phenomenal progress and prosperity, their com- 
mercial success, and their influence abroad to the preservation 
of the Union. I invite particular attention to the fact that this 
proposed legislation has received the approval of a very large 
number of prominent and influential men in various parts of 
the country. The petitions of these citizens are now in the 
hands of the military committees of the two Houses. Public 
opinion favors this legislation, and the legislatures of the States 
of Illinois, Ohio, New York, .Michigan, Nebraska, Colorado, 
Wyoming, Utah, and Kansas, by unanimous votes, have passed 
resolutions indorsing it. and requesting the Senators and Repre- 
sentatives from these States to vote for the enactment of my 
bill. It should have been passed and enacted into law long ere 
this. Patriotism commands it. Gratitude demands it. I pro- 
test against full her delay. Lei us do our duty and pass the 
bill before wo adjourn. 
52132—9343 

o 



FOR A GRADUATED INCOME TAX 



SPEECH 



HON. WILLIAM SULZER 



OF NEW YORK 



HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 



MONDAY, JULY 12, 1909 



it:;-.— s.-.n 



WASHINGTON 
19 09 



SPEECH 

OF 

HON. WILLIAM SULZEK. 



The House haying under consideration the joint resolution < S. -T. It. 40) 
proposing an an i the Constitution of the United States — 

Mr. CLARK of Missouri I yield fifteen minutes to the gentle- 
man from New York [Mr. Sulzeb]. 

Mr. STJLZER. Mr. Speaker, I am now, always have been, 
and always will be in favor of an income tax. because, In my 
opinion, an income tax is the fairest, the most just, the 
honest, the most democratic, and the most equitable tax ever 
devised by the genius of statesmanship. Ever since I came to 
Congress the record will show that I have boon the constant 
advocate of an income tax along constitutional lines. And 80 
to-day I reiterate that through it only, and by its agency alone, 
will it ever be possible for the Government to be able to make 
idle wen nil pay its just share of the ever-increasing burdens of 
taxation. 

At the present time nearly all the taxes raised for the sup- 
port of the Government are levied on consumption — on what the 
people need to eat and to wear and to live; on the necessaries of 
life; and the consequence is that the poor man, indirectly, but 
surely in the end, pays practically as much to support the 
Government as the rich man— regardless of the difference of 
incomes. This system of tariff tax on consumption, by which 
the consumers are saddled with all the burdens of Government, 
is an unjust system of taxation, and the only way to remedy 
ill,- injustice and destroy the Inequality is by a graduated in- 
come tax that will make idle wealth as well as honest toil pay 
its just share of the taxes needed to administer the National 
Government Hence I shall vote for the pending resolution or 
any proposition that, in my judgment, will make an income lax 
in this country possible and constitutional, however remote that 
possibility may be. 

I.ct me say. gentlemen, (hat every great thinker, every honest 
jurist, and every great writer on political economy, from the 
"days of Aristotle down to the present time, has advocated and 
justified the Imposition of an income tax for the support of gov- 
ernment as the most holiest ami the most expeditious and the 
most equitable principle of taxation that can bo devised. It 
must come in this country. It should have been adopted long 
ago. Almost every great government on earth secures a large 
part of its revenue from an income tax, and we must do the 
same. We are far behind the governments of Europe in this re- 
spect —far behind enlightened public opinion. 

Sir. lei me say. however, that I am not deceived by the unanim- 
ity in Which tiiis resolution is now being rushed through the 
Congress by the Republicans, its eleventh-hour friends. I can 
2 1733—8511 



3 

see through their scheme. I know they never expect to see this 
resolution become a part of the Constitution. It is offered now 
to placate the people. The ulterior purpose of many of these 
Republicans is to prevent this resolution from ever being rati- 
fied by three-fourths of the legislatures of the States, accessary 
for its final adoption, and thus nullify it most effectually. 
Therefore, so far as I am personally concerned, I am not going 
into ecstacies on account of the practically unanimous passage 
of this joint resolution through Congress. I have been here 
long enough to know, and I am wise enough to believe, that its 
passage now is only a sop to the people by the Republicans, 
and that their ulterior purpose is to defeat it in the Republican 
state legislatures. 

I am not going to give the Republicans credit for good faith 
in passing this resolution until I see how their representatives 
vote on it in the legislatures of Republican States. Mark what 
I say now. When this resolution passes, the wealth and the 
interests and the Republican leaders of the country opposed to 
an income tax will soon get together and urge its rejection by 
the States. If these obnoxious interests to the welfare of the 
people can get 12 state legislatures to prevent its ratification, 
the resolution will fail to secure the necessary approval of 
three-fourths of the States of the Union and will never be 
adopted as part of the Constitution. It will not be required 
even to defeat it in the legislatures of 12 States. All that will 
be necessary to be done is to prevent its being acted upon by 
the senates of the 12 States. Let us wait and see if my pre- 
diction comes true. 

Mr. Speaker, I had indulged the hope that the Members of 
this Congress would meet the expectations of the people — revise 
the tariff downward — take advantage of this splendid oppor- 
tunity and write into the pending tariff legislation a gradu- 
ated income-tax provision that would be fair and just to all 
the people and absolutely constitutional; that would make 
wealth as well as toil, plutocracy as well as poverty, pay its 
just share of the burdens of Government. There is no doubt 
it could be done if the Republicans in Congress were true to 
their promises to the people. In my opinion the Republicans 
in this Congress have been recreant to their duty and faithless 
to their pledges in failing to write into the pending tariff legis- 
lation a constitutional provision for a graduated-income tax. 
The people of the land witness here to-day, in the enactment of 
the iniquitous Aldrich tariff bill, the most shameless betrayal 
of their rights, the most shameful repudiation of Republican 
promises that has ever been exhibited in all the annals of our 
political history. 

The passing of the outrageous Aldrich tariff bill, an oppres- 
sive tax measure that will fasten on the backs of the consumers 
of the country for years to come unspeakable burdens beyond 
the calculation of the finite mind, is the legislative-tax iniquity 
of the century. 

Sir, the passage of this resolution is, as I say, only a subter- 
fuge a mere hope to he speedily dashed to the ground. The 
Republicans are only pretending to give the people the future 
possibility of an Income lax. They know the people are in 
favor of a graduated income tax; they know the people now 
1T:!5— Soil 



demand it: and hence they hold onl this mere pretense while 
they place apon the statute books the highest protective tariff- 
tax law in the history of the land to burden them more than 
they have ever been burdened before; and the Aldrlch tariff 

hill as it will finally go upon the statute hooks — mark what I 
say — will be the highest protective-tax measure in the interests 
of the beneficiaries of protection thai has ever been enacted 

in this country or any other civilized country in fill the his- 
tory of the world. [Loud applause on the Democratic side.] 

The SPEAKER. The time of the gentleman from New York 
has expired. 

Mr. SULZER. Well, Mr. Speaker, that is about all I set out 
In say. of course I shall vote for this resolution. It will pass 
Congress by the requisite two-thirds vote. It then goes to the 
legislatures of the States. Three-fourths of the state IegiSla- 
ures must ratify it Lei the people of the country see to it and 
instruct their state representatives to vote for it. The issue is 
now with them. I will do my part in Congress and out of 
Congress to make this resolution for a constitutional income 
'.?.x a part of the organic law of the land. 
lT.io— SOU 

o 



TRADE WITH CANADA, MEXICO, AND 
CENTRAL AND SOUTH AMERICA 



SPEECH 



OF 



HON. WILLIAM SULZER 



OF NEW YORK 



HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 



JULY 8, 1909 



1263— S497 



WASHINGTON 
19 09 



SPEECH 

OP 

HON. WILLIAM SULZER. 



TBADE WITH CANADA, MEXICO, AND CENTEAL AND SOUTH AMERICA. 

Mr. SULZER. Mr. Speaker 

The SPEAKER. Tlie gentleman from New York [Mr. Sxxlzbb] 
is recognized. 

Mr. SULZER. Mr. Speaker, while there is still time, and be- 
fore the pending tariff bill is finally completed, I desire to re- 
Iterate the hope, so often expressed by me, that something will 
be done ere the tariff bill becomes a law to bring about closer 
political ties and freer commercial relations with our neighbors 
on the north — the Canadians — and with the progressive people 
of our sister Republics, in Mexico and in Central and South 
America. 

Here is the true field, it seems to me, for our legitimate ex- 
pansion of trade, for broader markets, for our industrial endeav- 
ors, and for our commercial extension; and now is the time for 
an exhibition on our part, as the representatives in Congress of 
the people of the United States, of a little political sagacity and 
the exercise of good business foresight in the enactment of this 
tariff legislation that will mean more and more commercially as 
the years come and go to our producers, to our merchants, to our 
manufacturers, and to all the people of our country. 

And yet, sir, I regret to say that not a line has thus far been 
written, by cither the House or the Senate, in the pending tar- 
iff bill looking to closer political ties and to a greater expansion 
of our trade and commerce with these friendly and neighborly 
countries. Not a thing has been done for its accomplishment, 
and I am frank to say it is a grave mistake. As I view the 
situation, we either attempt to go too far afield on the one hand, 
seeking trade at great expense in distant lands, or we display 
a laclc of business knowledge and exhibit a narrow provincial- 
ism on the other hand, declining trade at our doors, that is as 
detrimental to our best interests as it is deplorable in our 
statesmanship. Canada, Mexico, Central and South America 
are our neighbors and our real friends, and they should be our 
best customers; and they would be our best customers if we 
only had the commercial sense and the political wisdom to deal 
with them aboveboard, in the spirit of trade equality, and treat 
them fairly and reciprocally along lines mutually advantageous. 

Hence I repeat that I indulge the lingering hope that ere 
the pending tariff bill becomes a law a paragraph will bo writ- 
ten in its provisions for closer commercial relations with these 
progressive countries, based on the principles of freer trade, 
closer political sympathy, and truer reciprocity. I do not care 
how it is done; I have no vanity in the matter; but I want to 
see it accomplished at the earliest possible day for the benefit 
2 12G8— 8497 



and in the interest of all the people on the Western Hemisphere. 
I know it can be easily done ; and if it is not done now, we are 
simply blind to our own industrial welfare and to our own com- 
mercial opportunities. Shall protection forever shackle us to 
the dead post of the past and bind us to blighted opportunities? 

Sir, the statistics conclusively show that this trade at our 
very doors is growing more important and becoming more valu- 
able every year. Why should we ignore it? European coun- 
tries are doing their best to secure it, and the facts prove that 
they are getting the most of it at the present time, very much 
to our detriment and to our disadvantage. Why will our peo- 
ple always be blind commercially to their own best interests 
and to their own greatest opportunities? Wby spend millions 
of dollars seeking trade in the Orient when the commerce of 
the Occident — richer than the Indies — is knocking at our door? 
Let us obliterate the obstacles, tear down the barriers, and open 
wide the doors to welcome the commerce of North and South 
and Central America, on land and sea, ere it is too late and 
the opportunity to secure it be lost forever. Now is the ac- 
cepted time. These countries are anxiously awaiting the out- 
come of our deliberations. They are watching the enactment 
of this tariff legislation. They long for some evidence of our 
friendship and sincerity. They want to trade with us. They 
will meet us more than halfway. Shall we disappoint their 
most sanguine expectations? Shall we ignore this most valu- 
able trade, these great commercial opportunities, and give these 
splendid markets wholly and entirely to Germany and to Eng- 
land and to France? I trust not; and so I say again that I 
hope, ere we adjourn and the pending tariff bill becomes a law, 
there will be written in it a broad and a liberal reciprocal 
provision for open markets, freer trade, and unrestricted com- 
merce between the United States and all our sister countries 
on the Western Hemisphere. 

If I read the signs of the time aright, I must say that I 
believe President Taft is friendly disposed to the proposition, 
and will not be disappointed if the tariff bill contains a pro- 
vision for an expansion of our trade with our neighbors to the 
north and to the south ; and I know we will make a serious 
political blunder if we do not take advantage of the occasion 
now presented to brush away the political cobwebs and break 
down the commercial barriers which impede its consummation. 
Enlightened public opinion favors this movement, sound busi- 
ness judgment demands it, and I will go as far as any man in 
Congress or out of Congress to bring it about. 

In this connection, sir, I want to commend the good work 
that is being done, and has been done, along these lines by 
the Hon. John Barrett, the very able and efficient and expe- 
rienced Director of the Bureau of the American Republics. He 
is the right man in the right place. He knows the truth of what 
I am saying to-day. He is doing his part. His indefatigable 
labors are bearing fruit, but I am sorry to say that his earnest 
efforts are very little appreciated at home, though very generally 
applauded by the far-seeing statesmen of our sister republics. 

Then, too, Mr. Speaker, in connection with the expansion of 
our trade and commerce to our north and to the south, we should 
provide for adequate steamship service on the Atlanlieandthel'a- 
12G8— 8407 



cfflc by discriminating tonnage taxes in favor of American-built 
ships, carrying the American Hat:, and manned by American 
sailors. This policy will go far to restore our merchant marine 
ami give ns a share In the deep-sea carrying trade Of the world. 
Next feO securing the trade is the ability to carry it; and we 
should transport all this commerce in our own ships, under out- 
own flag, in order to build up our merchant marine; and we 
can easily accomplish it, as I have suggested, by a graduated 
system of tonnage taxes in favor of American-built ships that 
will not cost the Treasury a cent or take a dollar out of the 
pockets of our taxpayers. We must construct our own ships 
to get this trade. We must build our merchant marine to com- 
mand this commerce. The trade of the western world must be 
ours. It will be ours if this Congress will do its duty and 
take the right step to meet the expectations of the people. 

Mr. Speaker, the people of these countries to our north and 
to our south are the true friends of the people of the United 
States: they look to us for protection, for sisterly sympathy, 
for a reciprocal exchange of products; they need our help in 
their industrial progress; they desire our aid in the marketing 
of their exports; they appeal to us for financial assistance in the 
development of their great natural resources: and their re- 
sources and their products are greater and richer than those 
of countries far away across the Pacific and the Atlantic oceans. 
We should aid them in their struggle for better conditions. We 
should extend to them a helping hand in their onward march 
of progress. We should glory in their prosperity. Their suc- 
cess is our success. They are rapidly forging to the front; 
their exports and their imports are increasing annually: their 
trade is becoming more and more important, their commerce 
more and more valuable; and instead of closing our doors by 
prohibitive tariff taxes against these countries and their prod- 
ucts, in my opinion, we should open them wider and do every- 
thing in our power to hasten closer political ties and facilitate 
closer trade and commercial relations. We want their products 
and they want our products, and all tariff barriers erected to 
prevent a fairer and freer exchange of goods, wares, and mer- 
chandise should, in so far as possible, be eliminated. It will 
be for the best interest of the people of the United States, of 
lasting benefit to our neighbors to the north and to the south, 
and for the mutual advantage of each and every country on this 
hemisphere, binding us together in closer ties of friendship and 
making for the peace and the prosperity and the greater in- 
dustrial and wider commercial progress of the times. 

12G8— 8497 



OVERNOR SULZER'S VETO OF THE 
FOLEY-WALKER WORKMEN'S 
COMPENSATION ACT 



GOVERNOR SULZER'S MEMORANDUM VETOING 

THE FOLEY-WALKER WORKMEN'S 

COMPENSATION ACT. 



State of New York — Executive Chamber 

Albany, May 15, 1913. 

Memorandum filed with Senate Bill, Introductory 
No. 1064, Printed No. 2430, entitled: 

"An act to amend the insurance law, in relation 
to securing compensation to workmen, injured in 
the course of their employment, and repealing 
certain sections of the labor law, relating thereto." 

Not Approved: 

The common law rule that the individual employer 
was responsible for injuries only where he was per- 
sonally at fault, has been generally discarded by en- 
lightened States as unsuitable to modern industrial 
conditions. 

In European countries, and in many of our States, 
workmen's compensation laws have been passed for 
the purpose of relieving injured workmen and their 
families from the inevitable distress following upon 
accident with its attendant stoppage of wage income. 

These laws usually cover all accidents, including 
those for which employers cannot legally be held liable, 
and they further seek to eliminate or reduce to the 
lowest possible minimum the cost and waste of litiga- 
tion prevalent under the present system. 

The Empire State has been slow in promoting these 
admittedly necessary protective measures of assist- 
ance to our industrial workers. This needed reform 

3 



in our State industrial Bystero is in the interest of both 
the employer and the workmen and is not a political 
question but wholly an economic proposition. 

Recognizing the justice and merits of the question, 
the Democratic party at its last State convention, held 
in Syracuse, in October, 1912, pledged itself, by pro- 
viding in its platform: 

" Time has clearly shown that the practice 

under the old concept of employers' liability for 
injury to employees is insufficient and ineffective 
to do justice to injured workers, and their de- 
pendents. We, therefore, pledge the Democratic 
party of the State of New York to the enactment 
of a comprehensive and just workman's compen- 
sation law, by which the industry under State 
supervision shall bear the financial burden of the 
industrial risks to the life and limb of the workers. 
To promote such legislation the Legislature of 
nineteen hundred and twelve has already passed 
a proposed amendment to the State Constitution, 
and we pledge ourselves to pass again this pro- 
posed amendment in the next session of the Legis- 
lature." 

In my first message to the Legislature I said, con- 
cerning workmen's compensation laws: 

" Many of our States have enacted workmen's 
compensation or insurance laws. The production 
of our wealth in a large measure is a tribute to 
the ability and the efficiency of the workers. It is 
only just then that those who do the work should 
receive an equitable share of that which they have 
helped to produce. No compensation is fair which 
does not secure to each worker at least enough to 
permit him, or her, decent standards of life. The 



workers themselves have not always been able to 
secure such compensation for themselves. Par- 
ticularly has this been true of women and children 
in whom the State should take an especial in- 
terest. To secure for these less accustomed to 
the competitive struggle protection that other 
workers have won for themselves through organi- 
zation, we should carefully consider the establish- 
ment of wage boards with authority to fix a living 
wage for conditions of work below which stand- 
ards no industry should be allowed to continue its 
. operations. Massachusetts has enacted such a 
law. Ohio recently adopted a constitutional 
amendment authorizing the State Legislature to 
do the same." 

From the outset the bill now before me met with 
serious opposition from those who are most vitally in- 
terested in securing the benefits designed to accrue 
from legislation of this character. This measure, I 
am advised, is opposed by the State Federation of 
Labor and the American Association of Labor Legis- 
lation, and other true friends of these necessary reme- 
dial industrial reforms. 

I have given much thought to the subject. I know 
what the party platform pledged and the manner of 
performance expected of that party pledge. To my 
mind a workmen's compensation law which fails to in- 
spire the confidence of the industrial toilers for whom 
it is enacted, and which meets with their vigorous and 
emphatic protest, cannot be said to be an adequate 
performance of such pledge. 

I feel convinced that the objections urged against 
this bill are serious and substantial, and among them 
may be mentioned that the bill does not eliminate or 
reduce to the lowest possible minimum the waste of 



6 

litigation which is the crying evil under the present 

system. 

I am aware of the present constitutional limitation 
in this State, necessitating an optional acceptance of 
the provisions of any workmen's compensation act, 
but I believe that it is feasible and practicable, as 
demonstrated by the experience of other States to 
provide a proper and comprehensive workman's com- 
pensation law, among others a plan for a State in- 
surance fund, contributed to by those affected and 
managed and regulated by the State, through which 
employers, so minded, might insure their workmen 
against accidents. Such a plan will provide automatic 
compensation, and do away with the unnecessary 
waste of litigation now so prevalent. 

The party platform pledges nothing less than the 
enactment of a comprehensive, equitable and practic- 
able workmen's compensation law. That purpose 
should be faithfully and strictly performed. I believe 
that a measure other than the one now before me can 
be prepared and enacted next year, which will retain 
the good features of this measure, and obviate all ob- 
jections, and to the end that such an equitable law may 
be enacted, I deem it my duty in the interest of all con- 
cerned to disapprove this bill. 

(Signed) WILLIAM SULZER. 



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, Monday, April 14, 1913. 1 
CHESTER C. PLATT 



REPORT ON THE GREAT MEADOW PRISO f 
By Geurge \V. Blake, 



of i 



, N. Y., 



Comstock, N. 



I reformatories 
the deplorable 



) call your atten- 



April 9, 1913. 
Sulzer, Governor, State of New York, Executive 
Ubany, N. Y.: 

lit herewith my report on the work being done at 
,, in the construction of the Great Meadow prison. 
ny duty to delay the investigation into the prisons 
ds of the State long enough to call your attention 
of affairs at this prison. 
ixes the loss to the State by the con- 
struction of the buildings, through carelessness or graft, at 
$500,000. A peculiar feature of this situation is that no attempt 
has been made to conceal the wrong. It is so brazen and con- 
spicuous that even the most unobserving visitor to the prison 
building must observe it. For more than two years this prison 
building job has been used to rob the State. 

Before going further into the details 1 ' 
tion to a situation that seems to exist in the Department of Pri 
It has been frequently said that there is a " prison ring," forged 
for the purpose of stealing the people's money. I believe this 
statement to be true because the dishonesty of this particular job 
has so many ramifications. The bills for inferior work and for 
work not done at all passed through the hands of the State Archi- 
tect, his representatives at the prison, the Comptroller, and the 
Superintendent of Prisons. 

All of these persons, with the exception of the Comp troller, 
must have known that the bills were dishonest and sh<»i5**»<jt haw 
been paid. Yet they passed smoothly along and the money found 
its way into the pockets of the contractor. A careful investigation 
might, show how much of it remained there. 

This was only part of the ring. The other parts were the sub- 
contractors, who provided what labor and material they pleased 
without interference. It must be plain to any thinking person 
that a long series of bills, practically all of them dishonest, could 
not have passed through so many hands without detection. 

This project was conceived in graft. The State paid $92,000 
for property worth not more than $30,000. The excuse for this 
initial crime was the alleged need of a hospital building in the 
health-giving air of the Adirondack region. This was a mere 
subterfuge. The fact was that the owner of this property induced 
his political friends to help him unload it upon the State at more 
than three times its value. Then the Lunacy Commission decided 
I it did not want this property, thereby threatening to deprive the 
projectors of the scheme of large graft in the erection of buildings, 
1 a prison there. The prison officials 



nd it ' 



s decided 



)zzened into believing 
ufficiently productive to 
e of all the prisWs of the 
upon the physique and 
d upon those nearing the 



complacently agreeing, the people 
that this outlay of money would be 
greatly reduce the cost of the maintene 
State and would have a salutary erT< 
morals of prisoners serving first Icrin? 
time of their discharge. 

The first appropriation was made in 1909 and was for $350,000. 
The bill providing for this appropriation made it appear that this 
sum would ho sufficient to complete the work, but up to the present 
time more than $1,800,000 has been appropriated and more money 
is still demanded. There is at present a demand to get $J5o,ii0o 
more, despite the fact that $750,000 is still available of the 
previous appropriations. From the conception of the scheme until 
^- tho prawn t time-ther^ does not seem-to have been -nnmttcmpt 
N|nadc to give [he people mi honest return for this outlay. 

One wing and a dormitory have been completed. The site chosen 
m. these buildings is in a hollow in the laud, much of which is 
quicksand. The great, prison building has settled so that cracks 
appear in the walls, all of the piping is out of alignment and it is 
only with great difficulty that some of the prison machinery .mil 
be operated. The dormitory, where the guards sleep and where 
the administrative work is conducted, is fortified with heavy iron 
bars at the windows and h.-avv doors, but the interior walls are 
fragile and combustible, h is possibl 

fin q started would find the build 

are of wood instead of concn '1 . [f a 
when the guards were sleeping there 
escape. This alone makes the work 1 



a to kick holes in them and a 
lug an easy prey, The Soors 
fire should start in the night 
would be no chance for their 
i that the Stat.- should 



immediately investigate to the end that the criminals guilty of it 
should be punished. 

The site of these two buildings is five feet below the surround- 
ing lands. It is in a hollow pit of clay, in which ii received 
the drainage of (be hillside?, which forced the Slate to spend manv 

11 ^"" I ; " f dollars in drainage, Piles driven into tho soil sink 

mil .d Mejit ami it seems impossible to rind proper foundations 
for the heavy structures. The contract provides that the ground 
on which the foundation rests shall be solid. 

A- ji matter oi fact one end of the dormitory building began 
Battling to an alarming extent and the State bad to -fend $37,000 
to level the building. The foundation here is ipiieksanil, so it j 8 
certain that this expenditure will have to be frequently and fa- 
it is difficult to find any explanation for the selection of this 

sue, when if is surrounded by a circle of upland where solid 

f dationa could have been found. Knowledge of the dishonesty 

of the men who permitted this work to continue makes it appear 
likely thai their object was to place the buildings in b location 
where they could aol possibly last in order to graft from the money 

thai would be slantly needed in repairs and then finally to 

enrich themselves anew l,v doing the work over. 

K the construction of the new wing was stopped now, and 
there is absolutely no need for it, the present wing and dormitory 



would cost the piople of the State at least $50,000 a year to keep 
in repair. The State would save money if the present buildings 
were discarded and the work began all over again under the control 
n |s ; This may seem like a drastic 
eping the present prison buildings 
t on a ranch larger amount than it 
1 another site. 
>rder to discover just how this work has been done, and 
what the total theft has amounted to, it would be necessary to 
prove up each item of the work in detail. I believe this should be 
done, and in the meantime all work on the new wing should be 
abandoned; that safe and decent quarters should be provided 
for the guards and that a rigid investigation should be made into 
the circumstances surrounding tho granting of the contracts and 
the supervision of the work. 

. apparent sign of any intelligent action in 

" 3 prison. Forty thousand dollars 

■to the prison. Then it was found 

. and was likely to breed disease. 

ing, brick work and 
anil workmanship, 
ins should not have 



Of honest and COmp 
suggestion, but the 
in repair would pay 
would take to duplicate them c 



illi rh. 



was spent to have water piped i 

that the water was unfit to usi 

Water was unexpectedly struck during the 

in the rear of the prison and this problem w 

The poor installation of plumbing, pipe 
general construction show inferior nmler 
nud under the standard set by the specific; 
been passed or paid for. It does not requir 
pert to see this. Any prison official could 



that less than $750,000 had been spent in the construction of the 
building declared that there had been an overcharge of $75,000. 
As a matter of fact more than $1,000,000 has been spent, which 
would increase the overcharge to about $325,000. 

The dishonest work has been as conspicuous in small matters 
as in large. According to specifications there should have been a 



of four 



afte 






for the steam pi; 

in operation the State 



but 1 



. days 
; compelled 



On. ■ ,vas $20 to rebabhit njshoe — 300 percent, more than 
mark.t price. A new nut was bioightjor the engine at 250 per 
cent, nunc than the market price. 

Theso engines have been rnnni* ag about two years. The repairs 
on them so far have cost $500. j {"striking proof that graft rules 
this work is given in the fact rh it a representative of the State 
Architect's office on the ground Ijected to some work which tho 
contractor wanted passed as being up to specifications. The con- 
troversy readied the State Archill , win inspected the work him- 
self and passed i 

The first specification provide — that the successful contractor 



, ... . 

ild furnish his own tools and ant for doing the work. 



let the 



sho 
the 

change in the specifications 
tools. Assuming the contra 
condition he would of course 
pet i tors. If, by any chanci 
the contract it is not likely 
sion. This peculiar method 
to the present time. 

The work no 
tractor appears t 
contract should hi 



._. After 
^tractor was allowed by a 

ii ;e $[5 a day for the use of' his 
aining the contract knew this 

i x position to underbid his com- 
e E his competitors had received 

\ jdj lave received this conces- 
.qTing work seems to be the rule up 



let in two sections and the con- 
be the absolute boss of the situation. One 
been completed two months ago. It is still 
uncompleted. The other contract calls for completion November 
first of this year; it has just been started. The penalty fixed for 
delay is only ten dollars a day. Therefore, it appears thai no dif- 
ficulty would bo had in cancelling this contract if the State finally 
eludes this ought to be done, providing the contractor has not 



■ going 1 



protected himself by sever; 
The first draft of prison 



1 labt 
ed at this pi 
; than 400 p: 



and equipped with toile 



t" 'his report von will find a report of 
it* asbestos use,! was not according to s[ 
heap and useless and lacking in prope; 



That the pi 

to be .1 ver again. Y< 



Respectfully submitted. 

GEO. W. BLAKE, 

C mummer. 

Cosistock, N. Y., April ■•■ 1913. 
As requested, I have carefully examined the work and material 

connected with the pipe cverin- „.ed in tin- prison at l ..n„ioeL 

and herewith submit ny conclusions- 

The pipe even,,. i s install in the engine room, laundry, 
boiler room and n, basements „f the cell building. 



a part of 
of Novoi 



mparod the material and labor with the standa 



of Prisons, and A. Pasquini, of Hi':: Broadway, New York, and 

find that neither the material nor workmanship lea up to the 

specifications demanded. 

Tho pipe covering on the high pressure lines does not exceed 



S|,e 



iiok. 



dee- no. exceed t hreo-quarters of an inch in thickness, and in 
many places only one-quarter of an inch thick. 

The effect of this is to cause groal loss of heat, and rapid wear 
and tear; in fact oven at this early date after the installation of 
the work, the material is now scaling off throughout the whole 
system. 

The material used on the high pressure pipe lines, as called 
for in article 034, should be of 85 per cent, magnesia, grade A. 
The grade furnished is 35 per cent, magnesia, grade B, and some 
of lower grade. I submit, samples of the material used. 

On tho low pressure lines the covering is even now in such 
poor condition that a large perecentage of it will have to be 
replaced inside of a year if not repaired and put in proper shape 
at once. 

On the fittings of the low pressure lines the covering does not 
average over one-half inch in thickness and is also in the same 
bad condition. 

I find that the heavier covering, intended for the high pressure 
lines, was placed on the low pressure piping, and vice versa. 

Standard specifications under the contract calls for at least one 
per cent, of oil paint on all pipo coverings. The paint used is 
what is known as cold water paint and can ho brushed oil' with 
the hand. 

No paint whatever was put on a large number of foot of 
covering. 

ruder article 634 of specificatioi 



Article i'-\- ..t -]>eeiti,ations calls tor the covering- "<t hectors. 
tanks and separators u I*. nt least two inches in thickness and to 
be applied in three qoats, with a line plaster finish of at least 
one-eighth inch in thickness. The covering given does not exceed 

one ami one half inch in thickni --. md has U0 planter finish. 

After measuring o«r 2,800 feet of pipe covering. I wish to 
state that u thia worijwaa paid for as per the grade covered by 
tho specifications of tie contract there was n loss to the State in 
first cost of at least $500 on his pi] vein- job. 

Taking into consideration, however, thai there is a constant loss 
of heat, and that this means more coal, there is, therefore, a steady 
and constant expense to the State dm to defective material and 
workmanship. The repairs, too, must be taken into account. 

My opinion is that, this is the worst job I ovor saw. and no 
honest inspector, understanding bis business, should have passed 
tho work. 

As for the general niping and plumbing work of the prison it 
is very bad. 

-T. P. Francisco, being duly sworn, deposes and says: 

That be is 37 years of age, residing at '•-'* Beeeham avenue, 
Home, N, Y. 

That he is well qualified to act as an expert and appraiser on 
pipe covering, having been in the business for the past twelve 
years continuously, that he has had ;i large and varied practical 
experience in the work, that he is now a contractor in this class 
of work, and accepts and carries out large contracts. 

That before signing the foregoing statement he carefully read 
the same, and that the same is true of his own knowledge. ' 

.1, P. FRANCISCO. 



Sw 



Com 



Roue, X. V., April 7, 1018. 
ncr, L32 State Street, Albany, 



Ieorge W. Bu 
X. V.: 

Dkai; Sii:. — 1 found I he grounds upon which these buildings 
,'ere built composed of quick-sand, very unsuitabli for heavy 

■iii M in;:-, allow ing the I. mid in-, to s. I tie. and ecu,, nt lo crack, 

Iso causing defections in plumbing and heating. The doprecia- 
ion on buildings from the above cause and from extreme damp- 
ess caused by deep excavations, and the natural wear of tho ele- 
ments would be in ny i ■., . i i ■ ■, Svc tl -and dollars, 

mse was a rerj p orlj erected building and the 
division walls were nof fire-proof, being buill of pery cheap 

material. Fl 'ing wa- -j.rneo v. |, when' it ,lioiiId have hen 

I enclose herewith gop.i of findings on special order- sontraet, 

ami affidavit as requested by yon. 



The 



T. E. BURNET. 



SrATE of New Yobk, 1 
c,„ ktt 01 Oneida, f 



I. E Buraey, heing duly sworn, deposes and says: That he is 

a contractor and builder, whiel upation be has followed tor 

twenty-five years, and he has also adjusted fire losses, and made 
estimations on construction work ol all de eriptions; thai for one 
season 1,,- wa- ompkiyed h v tin \ ew Fork Contra! & Hudson 
Ri ver Railroad to appraise property; that he 1- familior with 
both carpenter and mnson work, also plumbing and healing, and 
,. ., . ,.,,.. Q nd knows tho value thereof, 

T. E. BtTHNEY. 
Sworn to before me this 7th 
Lpril, 1013. 
C II. \\ nTi r 

Notary Public. 



"TAMMANY" 



SPEECH 

OF 

Congressman Wm. Sulzer 

IN 

TAMMANY HALL 
Thursday Night, February 15th 

1 go 2 



PRINTED BY ORDER OF 
THE GENERAL COMMITTEE 



PRESS OF 

HICKOK PRINTING COMPANY 
New York 



"TAMMANY." 



SPEECH 

OF 

CONGRESSMAN WM. SULZER 

IN 

TAMMANY HALL, 
Thursday Night, February 13, 1902. 

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: Some time recently I was asked to 
be here to-night, and to speak to you about the history of Tammany. 

Let me assure you that it is a matter of much personal gratification 
for me to be with you on this interesting occasion, and to thank you 
sincerely for your kind reception and cordial greeting. I know, how- 
ever, in the brief time I shall occupy your attention, that it will be im- 
possible for me to even partially meet your expectations, for the long 
story of the many commendable acts, and the eventful history of the 
glorious achievements, of Tammany, for a century and more, cannot, 
be told in a night, and cannot be read in a day. 

To know Tammany, and what it has done, you must study the an- 
nals of this city, the record of the state, and the history of the Re- 
public. 

THE PAST AND THE FUTURE. 

Let me say at the commencement that it seems to me that this is a 
fitting time for grave retrospection of the past, for sober consideration 
of the present, for a hopeful glance of the future — a fitting time for us 
to ponder deeply, and like true brothers to take counsel. There is no ac- 
rimonious campaign raging now to sway our reason — no political strife 
to disturb our judg-ment. We meet as citizens of a common country — 
with a common interest— joint heirs of a common destiny. "We meet 
to-night as patriots as in by-gone days — in the old wigwam — to incul- 
cate the lessons of political truth — and to hand down from father to son 
unimpaired, the priceless story that all should know, and that cannot 
i" too often bold—the story of, what this ancient society — grand old Tam- 
many — in the years gone by has done for civil liberty and the rights of 
man. It is a story we can all be proud of, and point to with feelings of 
jusl admiration — it is in part the story of the rise and growth of the 
great American Republic — the greatest and the grandest government 
ever instituted among men. 



TAMMANY AN [NDIAN NAME. 
The word "Tammany" la an Indian name and belongs to America. 
It was here before Columbus came, and it will be a part of our nomen- 
clature while history lives. I like our Indian names. They belong to 
this continent. They are all our own, and Cor music and harmony and 
beauty cannot i>c surpassed In the world. We should do our best to 
preserve them for all time to come. It would be well if they were more 
in use. 

M< iTJNT TAMMANY. 
< >n the banks of the classic Delaware River — near the beautiful 
water-gap — is a stately mountain, rearing its majestic form amid the 
clouds — and looking down from its heroic heights can be viewed for 
miles the picturesque scenery of the surrounding country. It is an im- 
perishable monument of nature. It has stood for ages and will stand- 
in all its grandeur— for ages yet to come. Many, many years ago — long 
ere the Revolution began — men called it 'Tammany' in honor of one of 
the most distinguished, one of the most accomplished, one of the wisest, 
and one of the rao-t celebrated chieftains in all Indian history. This 
Indian. Tammany, was the trusted companion of William Penn, and 
the truest friend the early white settlers ever had. Penn speaks of him 
as a grand old man — vigorous in mind and body. wise, sagacious, and 
with high ideals of liberty. Many mythical tales and remarkable leg- 
ends are told concerning this unique Indian, but there is no doubt of his 
-wisdom, his bravery, his love of justice, and his sagacity. These stor- 
ies about Tammany lived through all the years of the early period 
of our history, and by reason of them, Tammany became the patron 
saint of the Sons of Liberty during the entire Revolution. Many of his 
precepts were the watchwords of the Continentals during the times 
that tried men's souls; and his well known love of freedom the in- 
spiration of the immortal minute men during the long. dark, terrible 
seven years' struggle for American Independence. 

TAMMANY THE SAINT. 

The camp-fires of the patriots burned brighter because St. Tam- 
many had lived, and his example was the incentive to many an act of 
heroism in those stormy days unequalled in the world. 

The wise sayings of Tammany made him a saint and the greatest 
of Indian philosophers. The wonderful story of his life is. to my mind. 
one of the most interesting character studies in all American biography. 
The truth and romance concerning him are inseparably interwoven in 
all the magical story of the formative period of the American nation. 

It is said of Tammany that he loved liberty better than life, 

THE TAMMANY SOCIETY. 
\nd so. my friendly this Society— like the mountain on the Del- 
aware-took its i.ame. a name known far and near to-day. from this il- 
lustrious Indian chieftain. It is founded on the rock of freedom. Its 
precepts are his precepts, its character his character and it is now, 
ever has been, and ever will be. safe against the storms of time, because 
it is dedicated to the immortal principle that civil liberty is the glory 

° v'niid'the throes of the greatest revolution for fr lom that ever 

rocked the world, the germ of the Society of Tammany was generateu 
and came into being. Men who stake their lives for liberty know how 



to value liberty and how to preserve it. We can only be free by mak- 
ing others free. The patriots who risked all for American Independence 
appreciated what had been won and were determined not to lose It. 
After the stress of seven years of war and privation, after the shock 
and suffering of battle, after peace had been declared and America had 
taken her place among the natdons of the world, incident to it all, and 
on the ruins of long years of tyranny and despotism two societies were 
formed, one on the banks of the Hudson, called the "Society of Cincin- 
nati," and the other here, in the City of New York, called the "Tam- 
many Society of the Columbian Order." The first was organized by the 
officers of the Revolution to be an exclusive organization based on the 
feudal principle of primogeniture, only officers and their eldest son in 
a direct line were to be eligible for membership. The second — the Tam- 
many Society — was organized by the rank and file of the soldiers who 
fought for American liberty. It was inclusive and based on the im- 
mortal principles of the Declaration of Independence. 

The Society of Cincinnati was aristocracy personified — the Tam- 
many Society was Democracy deified. One was for the few, the other 
for the many — one hereditary — the other equality. 

Both of these societies have lived through all the years, but you 
hear very little of the one and a great deal of the other. 

TAMMANY SPRANG FROM THE REVOLUTION. 

Tammany drew its first inspiration from the Revolution. It stands 
to-day, and has ever stood, for all that great struggle accomplished. Its 
mission is human liberty, its cause the rights of man. 

The Tammany Society is generally misunderstood, and sometimes 
wilfully misrepresented by those who are not members of it, and un- 
familiar with its organization and its workings. There is the Tammany 
Society, or Columbian Order, which is a fraternal organization, dedi- 
cated to the noblest works of mankind; and there is the Tammany 
political org-anization, dedicated to Democratic principles, and to the 
welfare of the people and the public weal. 

INCORPORATED IN 1805. 

Two weeks after George Washington took the oath of office as the 
first President of the United States, on the steps of the old City Hall 
in Wall street, the Tammany Society, or Columbian Order, was formal- 
ly organized by William Mooney and other distinguished citizens of 
our municipality. In 1805 it was incorporated by an act of the Legis- 
lature. Its object was to afford relief to indigent and distressed mem- 
bers of the association, their widows and orphans, and others who 
might be found worthy and proper objects of its charity. It is a ben- 
evolent institution with a monument of eternal fame in ten thousand 
kind and noble ads and glorious deeds. Since its organization, it has, 
without an exception, annually celebrated Independence Day. It is 
based on the rock of liberty, its corner-stone is freedom, its walls the 
bulwarks of our free institutions, its inner sanctity a temple of justice. 
and its future, as its past, dedicated to the great truths Thomas Jef- 
ferson penned in the Declaration of Independence. 

ITS GREAT ROLL OF MEMBERSHIP. 

Call the loll of its illustrious membership for the past one hundred 
years, and you will listen to the names of presidents and poets, soldiers 

Ej 



and statesmen, governors and mayors, great judges, great merchants, 
greal legislators, great writers, and distinguished citizens in every 
walk of life and in every avenue of industry, the Nation's preatest and 
most patriotic sons, whose deeds of nobility, whose acts of valor, and 
whose works in the vineyard of mankind make our history the proudest 
boast of an American citizen. 

In the words of Horatio Seymour, standing In this hall, on a mem- 
orable occasion: "This society, during its long history, has embraced 
among its members many of the most eminent men of the state and 
nation. It has always proved true, not only to national honor, but to 
the rights of the state and the best interests of its citizens." 

\\ II V THE SOCIETY ADOPTED ABORIGINAL FORMS. 
Another object of the Society was to conciliate the numerous tribes 
of Indians who were devastating the defenseless frontiers and carry- 
ing death and desolation, with fire and tomahawk, to the homes of the 
intrepid pioneers. Out of reverence to the memory of the venerated 
chief Tammany, and the better to cultivate friendly relations with the 
Indian tribes, the Society adopted aboriginal forms, costumes and cer- 
emonies. The year was divided into four seasons. December, January 
and February was the Season of the Snows; March, April and May, 
the Season of Blossoms; June, July and August, the Season of Fruits, 
September, October and November, the Season of Hunting; and these 
ms were divided into Moons. 
The members of the Society were divided into thirteen tribes, cor- 
responding to the number of the original States. 

New York was the Eagle tribe; Delaware, the Tiger; Virginia, 
the Deer; Georgia, the Wolf; North Carolina, the Buffalo; Pennsyl- 
vania, the Bee; Connecticut, the Beaver; New Hampshire, the Squir- 
rel; Maryland, the Fox; New Jersey, the Tortoise; Massachusetts, 
the Bear; Rhode Island, the Eel. and South Carolina, the Dog. For- 
merly, when members joined the Society, either they chose the 
tribe to which they proposed to belong, or were assigned to one by the 
Grand Sachem; but this observance has now fallen into disuse. They 
are all now called 'Tigers.' probably from the characteristics which the 
great Chief Tammany, in his farewell legendary address to the child- 
ren of his several tribe?, attributed to the Tiger. 

The Society elects annually thirteen Sachems, the number of the 
original thirteen states. One of them is elected as the Grand Sachem. 
This body forms the Council presided over by the Grand Sachem, which 
meets quarterly for the transaction of business. 

The other officers of the Society are a Scribe, a treasurer, a saga- 
more and a wiskinskie. The duty of the scribe is to record the proceed- 
ings of the Society; of the sagamore to take charge of its property, and 
"f the wiskinskie to act as doorkeeper. 

INITIATION. 

Members of the Society, other than honorary, are proposed at one 
meeting, elected at the next, and initial..] at tin- next. They musi 
have nearly a unanimous vote to be elected. The names of the hon- 
orary members are inscribed on a roll separate from the names of the 
active members. At the initiation of the Grand Sachem the 'Et-hoh 
Song' is sung, commencing: 

"Brothers, our Council-Are shines bright, Et-hoh." 

At the initiation of a member, a different one is sung, the first 
stanza of which is as follows: 



"Sacred's the ground where Freedom's found 

And Virtue stamps her name; 
Our hearts entwine at friendship's shrine, 
And Union fans the flame. 
Our hearts sincere, 
Shall greet you here. 
"With joyful voice 
Confirm your choice. 
Et-hoh! Et-hoh! Et-hoh!" 
Every member who proposes a person for initiation is required to 
vouch that he is a true patriot and firmly attached to the Constitution 
of the United States. 

MEETING PLACES OF THE SOCIETY. 

The Society first met in Fraunce's old tavern near the Battery. 
From there it went, in 1798, to the wigwam at Martling's, the corner of 
Spruce and Nassau streets, where it remained until 1812, when it re- 
moved to the wigwam on the site of the present "Sun" building, at the 
corner of Frankfort and Nassau streets. Here it remained until 1S68, 
when it removed to its present magnificent wigwam on East Fourteenth 
street. In 1S6S this wigwam was opened with great pomp and much 
ceremony. In the same year the Democratic National Convention 
was held in the wigwam and that great Democrat, Horatio Seymour, 
nominated for President. From then until now this has been the real 
home of Democracy in the City of New York. 

"What a history of Democratic gatherings these walls coulds tell! 
What eloquence has here been heard for equal rights and human liberty! 

THE POLITICAL TAMMANY. 

Besides the Tammany Society there is also in connection with it the 
Tammany political organization the greatest Democratic organization 
in the country. It first asserted itself in the closing days of the 18th 
century. It was organized under the leadership of the founders of the 
Democratic party— Jefferson and Burr. It first attacked the powerful 
Federal party which was rapidly establishing, on the ruins of mon- 
archy, an aristocracy. 

Before 1800 Tammany was composed of men of different political 
opinions, and took no. prominent part in politics. But in the campaign 
of that year, which resulted in a decided victory for the people, its 
members stood together, the Federal party received its death blow; the 
power of the aristocracy was broken, the tendencies to empire were 
swept away, and Thomas Jefferson elected President of the United 
States. It was the first and most signal of Democratic triumphs in this 
country. It was the end of the Federal party. 

AN EPOCH. 

The influence of that victory was far-reaching and is felt to-day. 
It was an epoch. Its Impulse on our political destiny is familiar to all 
students of history. Books have been written about it and the subject 
is Inexhaustible. Ii was a crisis in our political history. The people 
won, ami the Influence of Tammany in that memorable contest turned 
the current of events, settled for all time the complexion of our institu- 
tions, and demonstrated that this is a government of the people, guar- 
anteeing equality before the law, and deriving its ju-t powers from the 
consent of the governed. 



From thence forward the Influence <>( Tammany baa been felt in 

every campaign, it has been for the i pie and for Democracy. It 

has done more for the state, and more for this great city, than any 
other political organization that ever exist ed. 

ITS INFLUENCE.— WHAT IT HAS DONE. 
'l'lu' influence of Tammany on the early destiny of our country can- 
not l^ overestimated or exaggerated. It supported and lent lustre to 
the .1 [ministration <>( Washington, it harmonized every conflicting fac- 
tion in the early .lays of the Republic. It insisted on the adoption and 
ratification of the Federal Constitution, and gave to the people the power 
which they have ever since enjoyed under the organic law of the land. 
It protested against titles and aristocracy, it did not believe in lords and 
dukes and kings and queens. It thwarted the schemes of the enemies of 
the Republic. It believed the Revolutionary war had not been fought in 
vain but had brought about a new era in the governments of the world. 
From that day to this, it has never been false to its early traditions, 
to its history, or the tenets and objects of its founders. It has always 
been true to the principles of Jeffprson and the Constitution. It has 
always responded to every call of the distressed and oppressed in every 
land and every clime. By personal subscription it raised sufficient 
funds to gather the remains of the martyred patriots, who died in 
British prison-ships in the cause of Independence, and whose bones lay 
bleaching in the sun. whitening the shores of the East River and bur- 
ied them with honor beneath the beautiful mausoleum where they now 
rest. It supported Jefferson in his great reform administration, it stood 
with him for a bill of rights and helped to write them in the Constitu- 
tion, it denounced the Alien and Sedition laws and demanded their re- 
peal; it supported Jefferson in the Louisiana purchase and helped to 
ratify that treaty; it stood for manhood, suffrage and ultimately 
wrote the law on our statute books; it believed in the flag and wanted 
the flag to protect American citizens on land and sea, at home or 
abroad; it urged Madison to protect American sailors from British 
diepredations and ultimately to enforce it by declaring war against 
England. It never faltered in the war of 1812; it loyally aided and 
supported the government, denounced the proceedings of the treason- 
able Hartford Convention and the traitors who burned blue lights on 
the shores of New England. It first suggested and proclaimed the Mon- 
roe Doctrine. It organized, equipped and sent to the front a regimem 
in every war. and has done a thousand other glorious and patriotic 
deeds for the historian to record on every page of American history. 

ANDREW JACKSON. 

Andrew Jackson — the hero of New Orleans — loved Tammany, sat 
by its council fires and drew from its teachings the inspiration to defy 
the monopoly of the United States Bank, to destroy nullification and to 
preserve the Union and the Constitution. 

In October, 1792, and again in October, 1892, the Tammany Society 
celebrated the 300th and 400th anniversary of the discovery of America 
by Columbus — the only celebrations of the event in this country. 

Time will not admit of more than a brief mention of many of trie 
other achievements of Tammany as a patriotic or political organization, 
in fostering the love of liberty and the spirit of National Independence, 
and in maintaining the cause of the masses. 

The Tammany Society was the first to celebrate Washington s 
birthday after his inauguration as President in 1789. 



It has never omitted the celebration of the birthday of our National 
Independence — the Fourth of July — and, as is believed, is the only So- 
ciety in the United States which has always performed that patriotic 
duty. 

TAMMANY FOR MAN. 

The iirst Constitution of the State, adopted in 1777, limited the 
right to vote by a property qualification, whereby the great masses of the 
people stood disfranchised. The influence of Tammany was exerted In 
the most successful way in framing the Constitutions of 1821 and 1846, 
extending the ballot and establishing the system of manhood suffrage, 
as we have it in this state to-day. 

At different times and by various names, such as "American party," 
"Know-Nothing party," and others, which need not now be mentioned 
in particular, it has been attempted to proscribe persons not born in the 
United States and to prevent their becoming citizens, or to delay their 
admission as such by a very extended term; but Tammany has al- 
ways vigorously opposed all attempts at proscription., and has main- 
tained our wise and liberal National policy, which has always welcomed 
to our shores and invited to our citizenship the down-trodden people of 
other nations. 

Tammany has always been opposed to monopolies, to class legisla- 
tion,, to all laws to favor an individual or class of individuals over the 
other members of the community in the acquisition of wealth or in 
the enjoyment of special privileges. 

TAMMANY LOYAL TO THE UNION. 

It is a matter of history that Tammany has always stood firmly Ioi 
the preservation of the Union, and against every influence which would 
sever its bonds, or mar the fraternal and kindly relations that should 
exist between the great family of states. 

During the Civil War the Tammany Society fitted out and sent a 
fully equipped regiment to the field of battle, known as the "Tammany 
Regiment," and the members of the organization raised other regiments 
and brigades for the war. 

Tammany has always stood for the cause of labor and has cham- 
pioned every reasonable measure which the labor organizations them- 
selves devised for the improvement of the condition of the masses. 

Its sympathy and its efforts have gone out to every people — in every 
land — in the Occident and in the orient — struggling for liberty and the 
rights of self-government. 

Such, my friends, in brief, is an outline in part of the history of this 
grand old Tammany organization. What a record it presents! 

And yet many well meaning citizens continually revile Tammany 
and denounce the organization as a danger and menace to free in- 
stitutions. Instead of being a menace and threatening the stability of 
our institutions, why is it not a safeguard? I ask, has any great vic- 
tory in the history of the world, for the good and the right, ever been 
won without organization? Men may take a pessimistic view of organ- 
ization to-day because it seems to be popular, but in the day of dark- 
ness and trouble and defeat, nothing can accomplish more good for the 
greatest number than the determined efforts of men united together 
under one grand leader.-hip, fighting for principles that represent truth, 
justice and humanity. 



IN ORGANIZATION THERE IS STRENGTH. 

Organization is the secret of success in all great undertakings; very 
little can be accomplished by individual effort. In organization there 
is strength. The history of the world teaches this and successfully 
demonstrates the falsity of every argument advanced against it. Every 
Btep In the world's progress, every movement for the betterment of hu- 
manity has been accomplished by organization. In my judgment more 
can he done for the principles of the Democratic party, and for the 
benefit of society at large, by systematic organization with fixed pur- 
poses and a determination to succeed than in any other way. We must 
deal with men as we find them and not as we would wish them — with 
things as they are, and not as we desire. We cannot have everything 
as we would like until the millenium is at hand. This Is a practical 
age — let us be practical. 

I am a Democrat. I believe in the great fundamental principles of 
Democracy. I believe we should all stand together— organize and or- 
ganize — to achieve victory in the cause of the people. 

OPPOSITION UNJUST. 
Many intelligent and worthy people in our city, I know, and I believe, 
are opposed to Tammany because they know so little about it. They 
it called an organization, and hence straightway denounce it 
and all organizations. It would be as logical and equally a® absurd to 
denounce all government because you do not like the political machin- 
ery of the Chinese Empire. From the unit of the family to the highest 
perfection of civilization everything is organization in a greater or a 
lesser degree. AH government, all society, all business, all association 
and all institutions are based on the sure foundation of more or less 
perfect organization. It is the organization of the drilled regiment that 
makes it effective and capable of successfully coping with the multi- 
tude and the mob. It is the discipline of the police organization that 
gives the citizen confidence in the security of his person and his prop- 
erty. It is the trained organization of the fireman that makes insur- 
ance rates so low in our city. Opposition to organization is unjust, un- 
democratic and un-American. What great movement has ever succeed- 
ed without organization? From the beginning of civilization, from the 
establishment of the Christian church, from the discovery of America, 
from the Revolution to the present day, everything that has been ac- 
complished for the progress of the world and the advancement of the 
human race has been done by organized effort and concerted action. 
Every man here knows that to be true. What organization has done 
in the past it can do in the future. Let us organize — organize! 

If eternal vigilance is the price of liberty. Democratic organization 
is its safeguard and best guarantee. 

TAMMANY IN WAR. 

Tammany supported Polk and Marcy in the war with Mexico, in the 
■annexation of Texas and the acquisition of California, which estab- 
lished our boundaries on the Pacific and the Gulf of Mexico. 

When the Civil War of 1861 followed the election of Lincoln, the in- 
fluence of Tammany was instantly shown in the patriotic action of the 
Common Council of our City, where its power was supreme, pledging 
to the President all the resources of the municipality, in men and mon- 
ey, for the support of the Government, in the enforcement of the laws 
and to maintain the Union. 

10 



Let me here recall to your memory the concluding resolutions of the 
series, unanimously adopted by the New York Common Council, at a 
special meeting- of the Board of Aldermen, cenvened on the 19th of 
April, 1861, while the echoes of Sumter were still heard. 

Resolvrd, That we invoke at this crisis the unselfish patriotism and 
the unfaltering- loyalty which have been uniformly manifested In all 
periods of national peril by the population of the City of New York; 
and while we reiterate our undiminished affection for the friends of 
the Union who have gallantly and faithfully labored in the Southern 
States for the preservation of peace and the restoration of fraternal re- 
lations among the people, and our readiness to co-operate with them in 
all honorable measures of reconciliation, yet we only give expression 
to the convictions of our constituents when we declare it to be their 
unalterable purpose, as it is their solemn duty, to do all in their power 
to uphold and defend the integrity of the Union and to vindicate the 
honor of our flag and to crush the power of those who are enemies in 
war, as in peace they were friends. 

PRESIDENT LINCOLN. 

President Lincoln said to General Sickles, referrring to this action 
of our city government, a few days afterward, "Sickles, I have here on 
my table the resolutions passed by your Common Council appropriating 
a million of dollars toward raising men for this war and promising to 
do all in the power of your authorities to support the government. 
"When these resolutions were brought to me I felt my burden lighter. 
I felt that when men break through party lines and take this patriotic 
stand for the government and the Union, all must come out well in the 
end." 

This action of the Common Council of New York made the great 
city a unit for national defense; it united all parties for the Union. 

But in that momentous crisis Tammany did more. 

THE TAMMANY REGIMENT. 

The Forty-second New York Infantry was raised and organized by 
the Tammany Society in the City of New York, in May and June, 1861. 
The regiment was taken to the field by the Grand Sachem of that year, 
Colonel William D. Kennedy, who died a few days afterward in Wash- 
ington. Colonel Kennedy was succeeded by Captain Milton Coggswell, 
an accomplished officer of the regular army. 

Early in the same year. 1861. several other Tammany leaders raised 
regiments and brigades for the war. Among them the regiment organ- 
ized by General John Cochrane, and the brigades of General Thomas 
Francis Meagher and General Daniel E. Sickles. 

Colonel Nugent's Sixty-ninth Regiment lost more men in battle, 
killed and wounded, than any infantry regiment from the State of New 
Fork. At Antietam, eight color-bearers of the Irish Brigade were shot 
down at Bloody Lane, but the brigade carried the position. At Fred- 
erlcksburg the color-sergeant of the 69th was found dead with his flag 
concealed ami wrapped around his body, a bullet having pierced the 
flag and his heart. 

A i Gettysburg the Tammany Regiment was in the thick of 
the fight and lost in killed and wounded 18 officers and 223 en- 
list, -d men; and considering the total number of men present in line of 
battle this record gives the Forty-second the right to be included, as 
history has already included it, among the great lighting regiments of 
the war. 

11 



On the battlefield of Gettysburg Tammany has elected a magnificent 
monument to the brave and gallant Tammany regiment. 

in the recent Spanish-American war Tammany also organized and 
equipped a regiment and offered it to the government, but it was never 
mustered into service. 

I ' N \v A I ; 1 1 A N T l ■: D DENUNCIATION. 

The men who, in season and out uf seas m. continually denounce 
Tammany and Democracy— who denounce its leader?, who revile it ana 
prophecy all evil concerning it, know not of what they talk. Its organ- 
ization is thoroughly simply and absolutely Democratic. In this city there 
are the various Assembly Districts — each divided into election district**, 
containing about four hundred voters. In each Assembly District the 
primary meeting is held strictly according to law— ample notice is given 
of the time and place by publication and all Democrats are cordially 
invited to attend and participate in its proceedings and deliberations. 
This is the whole system in a nut-shell. What could be less dictatorial, 
less autocratic and more in harmony with our Democratic institutions? 
AM power comes from the people. These men and these committees rep- 
resent constituencies. If they neglect their duty, if they prove false to 
their trust — the remedy is in the hands of the people and can always 
promptly and effectually be applied. 

Every Democrat in the city is welcome and if the organization is 
not all that he could wish, the fault, if fault there be, is, to some ex- 
tent, to say the least, his fault. Chronic fault-finding is unfair, sweep- 
ing denunciation unwarranted. 

TAMMANY IS DEMOCRACY. 

Tammany is Democracy. Tammany needs no defense from any 
man. It needs no eulogy but its own history, its own record, and its 
own indefatigable efforts for its principles and the people. That record 
and that history speak in trumpet tones to the world more eloquently 
than words of mine. Read its history, read what it has done for the 
people in many a struggle, and for the Democratic party, ere you judge 
it and condemn. In the words of William L. Marcy, "Do not impugn 
our motives and convict us on the bickerings of pigmy malice and the 
ravings of malefactors whose only object is the destruction of every bar- 
rier which can possibly defend the liberties of our country." 

Do not let me be misunderstood. We all know, and it cannot be 
denied, that there are pages in its history that its true and sincere 
friends would prefer to have rewritten. It cannot be denied that there 
have been times in its history when the men at the helm steered the 
old ship near dangerous shoals, but it has never been wrecked. It has 
survived all defeats; frustrated and baffled all the schemes of its en- 
emies: lived Jtiwn the calumnies of generations, and to-day it is 
greater and grander, broader and more liberal, more influential and 
capable of accomplishing more for the good of the people apd the com- 
mon weal than ever before. 

It has seen the Federal party come and go; it destroyed the Tory 
party; made the American party ridiculous; the Know-Nothing party 
odious; it saw the great Whig party rise and fall and pass away, and 
the time will come when its present political enemy, the Republican 
patty, will only be a memory— but Tammany will go on and on— for- 
ever — to its truer and grander destiny. 

To quote from a poem read by John G. Saxe in Tammany in 1870, 
"Then success to old Tammany, long may it stand 
The bulwark of freedom— the pride of the land." 



DEMOCRATS SHOULD STAND TOGETHER. 

All the Democrats of this metropolis should stand together. All 
should be harmony. In essentials— unity— in non-essentials— toleration. 
But at all times organization. Every Democrat should strive with a 
singleness of purpose to redeem our party and our city. Let us stand 
firm by our principles, our pledges and our convictions, and success will 
surely crown our efforts, and our grandest and greatest victories will 
be achieved in the future. Republicanism is on the wane— its night is 
near at hand. Democracy has its face to the morning sun. Victory 
will soon be ours. 

Far be it from me to brand an honest difference of opinion with the 
stamp of faction, which is always the parent of discontent and revolu- 
tion. But when independence to regular organization and true Dem- 
ocratic principles springs from jealousy, vanity and petty ambition, 
and protest against regularity is a mere desire for a change in the 
existing order of affairs, coupled with the hope of personal advantage, 
it should be beneath the contempt of honest Democrats and sincere and 
patriotic citizens. Tammany is liberal and magnanimous, tolerant and 
cosmopolitan. It rises superior to caste, and has no race prejudice. It 
recognizes honest effort, appreciates ability, and rewards industry. 

LEADER NIXON. 

My friends, in our leader, Mr. Nixon, we have an honest, a fearless, 
an intrepid chieftain. He is a true Democrat, liberal, broad-minded, 
far-seeing and generous. He is the leader of Tammany in fact as well 
as in name. Let there be no doubt about this. Let us all rally to his 
suppoit; let us all loyally stand by him and victory will follow a? day 
follows night. 

TAMMANY'S WELCOME. 

Come into Tammany! It welcomes you. We appeal to all — to the 
young and the old — to all Democrats. Its doors are always open. Par- 
ticipate in its deliberations and rejoice in its victories. Every Demo- 
crat in the city should belong to its organization, and every Democrat 
in the country should be its friend. You can help to shape its course. 
You can help to guide its action. You can help to make it all that we 
wish and all that it should be — a great vehicle for truth — a great temple 
for justice, and a great agency for Democracy. Let us all stand to- 
gether for honesty and righteousness — for Democracy and humanity — 

"For the cause that lacks assistance: 

For the wrongs that need resistance; 

For the future in the distance; 

And the good that we can do." 



LIBRARIES FOR THE PEOPLE 

I know of no agency in America save our public schools that 
i. doing so much good for good citizenship ; so much for ^he 
general weal; and so much for the perpetuity of our free instf 
tutions as the free circulating libraries. 



SPEECH 



OF 

HON. WILLIAM SULZER 

OB 1 1NTEW YORK 



IN THE 



HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 



MARCH 28, 1910 






8478fi— W6 



WASHINGTON 
1910 



SPEECH 

OF 

HON. WILLIAM SULZER. 



The House being in Committee of the Whole House on the state of the 
Union and having under consideration the bill (S. 4624) for the Takoma 
Park branch library, and for other purposes — 

Mr. SULZER said : 

Mr. Chairman : This is a good bill in the interest of educa- 
tion, and, in my opinion, there should be no opposition to it. 
Let us see for a moment just what the bill does. Mr. Andrew 
Carnegie, a public-spirited and philanthropic citizen of our 
country — and I say all honor to him — is willing to give $30,000 
to build a library in Takoma Park, one of the suburbs of the 
District of Columbia. The citizens living in that place are 
willing to donate the site, and all that the Congress is asked 
is to allow it to be done. Why should we refuse? 

The bill appropriates no money at present out of the Treas- 
ury. All that we are asked to do is to accept this donation 
from Mr. Carnegie in the interest of education. The people of 
Takoma Park are donating the land, and all Congress will have 
to do in the future is to maintain the library. That is what 
the citizens in every city of this country are doing in regard 
to libraries donated by the generosity of Mr. Carnegie. The 
District of Columbia should certainly do the same. 

The necessity for public libraries is everywhere acknowl- 
edged. They supplement the school system and arc an Integral 
factor in popular education. When it is considered that only 
a small percentage of the population continues in school after 
the compulsory period has been reached, it is easy to see what 
a free circulating library may do in helping a man to continue 
his education by reading; to study along the lines of his trade 
or business; to Improve his mind: and increase his earning 
capacity by a greater knowledge of matters of moment. 
2 34786 8868 



As an effective educational institution the public library of 
the District of Columbia is ranked among the very first in the 
country. During the last fiscal year it had a circulation of 
600,000 volumes and an estimated attendance of 850,000. It 
serves well the people of the District. It can not, however, 
reach those who live long distances from the building. If a 
man needs a book, he can, of course, get on a car and travel 
back and forth for it. But the work which the central library 
does in helping school children with their class work, debates, 
and so forth ; all the literature it puts at the disposal of me- 
chanics, business men, government employees, and its wide 
variety of patrons is largely restricted to the population living 
in a radius of 2 miles from the library. 

The people who live in Takoma Park are 6 miles from this 
central library. They can use the library, at best, with great 
difficulty. Their children are now practically without library 
service. These people are anxious for library privileges. They 
have taken active steps to obtain a branch library and have 
united in securing a very well-located and excellent site. 
When citizens actually take practical steps like this it indicates 
that they feel the need and are doing their best to have it sun- 
plied. We should help them. To do otherwise will be as short- 
sighted now as it will be contrary in the end to sound public 
policy. 

Mr. Chairman, I am in favor of these public libraries. They 
do a great deal of good. Their establishment should be encour- 
aged. They help the parents and the children. This library 
will help the boys and girls. It will aid the men and the women 
who want to Improve themselves by reading and studying along 
the v;i rions lines of their endeavors. I know of no agency in 
America save our public schools that is doing so much good for 
Our citizenship; bo much for the general weal: and so much 
for the perpetuity of our democratic institutions as the free 
libraries. Their facility for free education is the greatest Me^s 
im_' vouchsafed to America and the surest guaranty for the 
safety of our freedom. Instead of being criticised Amlrew <"ar- 
uegle should be commended for all that he has done ami is 
doing for the free libraries of America. 
::ITS0— 8866 



We ought to favor whenever and wherever we can the build- 
ing and the maintenance of these free libraries for all the peo- 
ple where every boy and every girl and every man and every 
woman can go, get a book, and study. There is no way in 
which so much good can be accomplished, no way in which the 
people of the country can be benefited so much ; no way in which 
to induce a desire to study and a love for great books; and to 
maintain a proper respect for the sanctity of home and for 
law and order among the people as through the good books 
the people get and read from these free circulating libraries. 
I think their establishment by law is wise legislation; the 
money for their maintenance well expended; and all for the 
benefit of the masses, and destined beyond doubt to promote the 
general welfare. All honor and all praise to Andrew Carnegie; 
and all success and all prosperity to the free circulating libraries 
he is establishing in America. [Applause.] 
34786—8866 

o 



THE SOLUT ION OF THE LIQUOR PROBLEM 

REMARKS 

OF 

HON. WILLIAM S. BENNET 

OIT NEW YORK 
IN THE 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 



WEDNESDAY, MARCH 8, 1916 



era 



3-2113-15215 



WASHINGTON 

una 



REMARKS 



HON. WILLIAM S. BENNET. 



THE SOLUTION OF THE LIQUOB PROBLEM. 

Mr. BENNHT. Mr. Speaker, one of the inequalities of our system of govern- 
ment is the lack of opportunity of the minor parties to get their views before 
the American people. Mine is not a prohibition district. But the 154 enrolled 
Prohibitionists have the same right to look upon me as their representative as 
have the Democrats, Republicans, Progressives, Socialists, Americans, and 
Independence Leaguers. I have been asked to lay their views before Congress, 
as expressed by their most recent candidate for governor of New York State, 
former Gov. William Sulzer: 

[Reprinted from New York Critic] 

A Great Speech by a Great Man — The Solution of the Liquob Pboblem — 
Former Gov. Sttlzeb's Masterly Address Before the State's Prohibition 
Committee, Syracuse, N. Y., December 20, 1915. 

Mr. Sulzer said: My friends, last year the Prohibition Party did me the honor 
to nominate me for governor. That evidence of its confidence in my sincerity 
was deeply appreciated, and although it was impossible, for reasons which are 
known, for me to carry its standard to victory, yet I did my best for the cause. 
I made a good fight, and the result shows I inure than quadrupled the vote of 
the Prohibition Party. 

The chairman, Mr. Bishop, in his report has told us that the impetus of that 
Campaign has not abated, but that the fight has gone on apace. That is 
gratifying to me and must be to every friend of our principles, so that to-day 
we know no mistake was made last year, and that by reason of that struggle 
wo are now stronger in numbers and stronger in influence than wo ever were 
before in all the history of the movement. 

So to-day I come to .\<ni as one of you, one of you for the right. I would not 
be true lo yen. and I would not be true to myself, if I did not say this, and 
say Bgaiu, that in the future, as lo the past, all that in me Is every effort of 
my being — will be exerted (<> promote (ho cause of prohibition, to forward the 
cause <>f morality, to advance tin- cause of temperance, until (he light of suc- 
cess dawns and victory crowns our efforts. 

It is not my purpose this afternoon to mal.o a prohibition speech. You know 
I can do that, and you know that now to do it will ho as useless as carrying 
coals t.» Newcastle. Everyone in this meeting is as good a prohibitionist as i 
am. They say I have a rule which I novel break, and that is nou-r to waste 
time carrying coals to Newcastle. 

Since the last campaign many of you know I have been very busy in the 
light for the cause. This year I have made more than 200 speeches for pro- 
hibition. In making these speeches I have traveled over 14,000 miles— from 
32418—15245 a 



tcean b> ocean— through the West, the Intel-mountain stales, up and down 
the Pacific slope, and from Alaska to Mexico. So you see I am doing my 
share Of the work in my own way, as you are doing your slian- of the work 
In your own way. I know I am accomplishing some good, and thai is ull 
ward T want. 

My purpose this afternoon is to say something practicable — and that Is 
always a difficult thing to do. The trouble with some of the advocates of 
prohibition is that they travel in a circle. Thai is a fact, is it not? You know, 
lind 1 know, that wo can not succeed going around in a circle. We never get 
anywhere. Those that see clearly say that the Prohibition Party has been 
traveling in a circle for 40 years, and if it does not change its methods it 
will continue to travel in a circle for the next -10 years, it is a mailer of 
knowledge that if one Is lost in the wilderness he will wander abont in a 
circle, never finding his way out until he departs from his beaten path and 
strikes out in a new direction. The fault many lind with the Prohibition Party 
is that it is like a man lost in the wilderness — going arouud in a circle — 
chasing its tail — dog fashion. If that is true we must strike out in a new 
direction if we want to get out of the wilderness. 

You and I are prohibitionists. We believe in the cause. So far, so good. 
But they say I am something more than a prohibitionist — that I am a poli- 
tician — a practical politician. If that is so, I have no apology to make. It 
was born in me. I came by it naturally. Once a politician, always a poli- 
tician. I will be a politician until I am dead. Then the historians — if they do 
me justice — will say that I was a statesman. 

So, being that kind of a prohibitionist, it comes quite natural for me to say 
I want to win. To that end I believe in following the lines of least resistance. 
You know the only way to win is to get votes. You will never be respected, 
and will always be ridiculed, until you command votes. When you poll the 
votes the politicians will sit up and take notice. They will then come to you 
with their hats in their hands and ask, " What do you wantV H 

The question is, How can we win? How can we get the votes? How can 
we get out of the wilderness? Mr. Harger has just told you that Mr. Hobson 
declared last year that if the Democratic Party does not put a prohibition 
plank in its next platform he will certainly leave the Democratic Party. Let 
us hope that it is true. I served in Congress with Mr. Hobson. He and I 
are personal friends. But I hold iu my hand a statement made by Mr. Hobson 
iii yesterday's New York Trihune. This statement seems to contradict the 
declaration of Mr. Harger. "The question," says Mr. Hobson, in the Tribune, 
" is going to be asked with considerable frequency, Is prohibition to organize 
politically? In my opinion, no. Our light is to be an omnipartisan fight It 
is based on patriotism and not on party." There is where Mr. Hobson stand*. 
Nothing in that about leaving the Democratic Party. In this matter I differ 
with Mr. Hobson. I want to make prohibition a political issue — the political 
issue — not some time in the future, but now. That is the way to win. 

They say I know, through and through, most of the Democratic and KepuD- 
lican politicians. That is true. The reason it is said I am not liked by some 
of them as well as one would wish to be liked is because I know too much about 
them — and the man who knows the truth is always the man who is haled and 
feared — but secretly respected. Let me tell you that very few Democrats and 
precious few Republicans are going to leave their parties because their respec- 
tive parties fail to adopt a prohibition plank. These men will never leave the 
old parties until we become thoroughly political and show them the way to 
victory. That's politics, and until we put politics as well as patriotism into 



Now, a few words about local option as a remedy for the evils of inlempot 
anco. There is not a man in this room, and there is not a Prohibitionist in th 
country, who does not know that local option as a remedy i.s a fallacy. S 
there is not a Prohibitionist in America who does not believe that a prohibitio 
amendment to the Federal Constitution is an iridescent dream. Local optio: 
is local humbug, and the Hobson amendment to prohibit the "sale," uud not th 
"manufacture," as a remedy is as impotent as it is impudent. 

The true solution of the problem is by legislation to abolish effectually th 
manufacture and the sale of intoxicating liquors. Our good friend Mr. Hir 
shaw tells us that it has taken the entire life of the Republic to adopt a fe\ 
amendments to the Federal Constitution. It is a difficult thing to amend th 
Constitution of the United States. It can only be done through political partie 
which command votes in Congress and in the State legislatures. Before w 
can get a prohibition amendment in the Federal Constitution we will have t 
get one or both of the great political parties to adopt it in national convention- 
al! then it will take a lifetime to succeed. 

Why should we delay for 50 years? Why fritter away time for a constitu 
tional amendment which requires a two-thirds vote in Congress? And afte 
that spend the balance of our lives endeavoring to secure its ratification b; 
three- fourths of the State legislatures? The very men, it seems, advocating 
the amendment are consciously or unconsciously doing their best to delay pro 
hibition. The brewers and the distillers would like nothing better, if the Con 
gress should pass a prohibition amendment, than to play battledoor and shuttle 
cock with it in the State legislatures, and hold it in abeyance for decades t< 
come, while the Prohibitionists were trying to get it ratified in the State legis 
latures. The constitutional amendment gives our enemies the opportunity the; 
desire to laugh at us in their sleeves, and in our discomfiture cry: "He, he 
Ha, ha! Ho, ho!" To genuine Prohibitionists local option is a local fraud am 
the Hobson constitutional amendment a blind alley of delay and disappointment 

Mr. Pitts lias been good enough to say that I am a constitutional lawyer am 
an experienced legislator. It is true that I have served six years in the legis 
lature of this State and have held in that body every position of responsibility 
It i.s also true I served 18 years in Congress and was chairman of one of its 
most important committees. It goes without saying that I know something 
about drawing a bill, something about legislation, something about the Consti 
tutlon. 

Hence, my friends, I come to you to-day to tell you frankly, after giving 
the subject much consideration, what Is the easiesl solution of the liquoi 
problem, and what is the simplest remedy for the evils of intemperance— 
a remedy that spells success, and a solution that means victory. That is whal 
we want ; we want success; we want: victory! We want to abolish the maim 
facture and the sale of alcoholic liquors in the United States. Some of u> 
want to do it because we love humanity; some of us want to do it because 
of morality; some of us want to do it for economical reasons. I want to dc 
it for all these reasons, and I want to do il because il is right 

Tin- question before us then is: How shall we abolish the manufacture 
and the sale of alcoholic Liquors? Let me tell you. The way to stop the 
manufacture and the sale and the Importation of alcoholic Liquors in the 
United Suites is by Legislation. The traffic Is done by Legislation. It must 
be undone l.y legislation. You can not atop it any other way. You can not 
8lop it by talk; you can not stop it by riot; you can not stop it through the 
newspapers; you can not stop it through the churches. You can BtOD 
32418—15215 



it you must ge- by law. That is the remedy. There Is none other, 

la this connection I have prep a red a bill with much care which will accom- 
sh what we want by the simplest method and in the shortest time. Let 
i read you this bill. It is entitled "An act to raise revenue." This may 
an to some a strange title for a prohibition measure, bat all bills of this 
aracter most be entitled either "An act to raise revenue** or **An act to 
crease revenue.*" The bill reads as follows : 

Aa act to raise revenue. 

?f it enttrttd, ttc, That there stall be levied and collected on the ■■■afii h n and 

' 1-. -_.:-■.--«. "-■■■'■- -? '-' - - ' "- " ' - " " ; 

i sacramental purposes, a l eiena e tax of S 1.000 a gallon: that all law* or parts of 
m inconsistent with this law are heresy repealed, and that any violation of this law 
ill be a. felony, punishable fey imprisonment far aot leas than two jeara or by a one 
not less than $5,000. or fey both such fine aad imprisonment, in the dm cr ctiea i of tfen 

. Ihat this act shall take effect on the 1st day af January. 1917. 

That's the bin. H I —ere the law, not a gallon of Intoxicating liquors 
11 be manufactured for personal consumption. The bill is a prohibition 
jasure with a v engeanc e, lly friend. Mr. Candler of Mississippi, will 
troduce it in -; .ress. Leading Members of the Congress ap p io ae 

and tell us th- ; :e for it. They know it is the real solution of the 

oblem. They have asked a few prominent men who stand for the true 
medy to come to Congress and urge its pas? - 

The bill is constitutional. There is not a constitutional lawyer in the 
ad who will tell you to the contrary. There will be a hearing en the 
Eassre in the House. The genuine pr sts are going to fight f 

major -rill pass it through the National Legislature. No President 

S dare to veto it. If the honest friends of prohibition will get behind 
is legislation, it can be enacted into law ere the present Congress adjourns. 
»en the victory is won. 

This t way and the quickest remedy. If it were the law 

ere would not be. from one end of the country to the other, a gallon of i - 
ting liquor manufactured for beverage purposes. But if, for the sake of argu- 
mt, there was one gallon manufactured, the man who manufactured it would 
ve to pay the Government $1,000 and the man who sells it would have to pay 
e Government another $1 man could afford to manufacture and no 

in could afford to sell alcoholic liquors under these penalties. They are nro- 
If either the manufacturer or the seller failed to pay the tax, he would 
guilty of a felony and punished by fine and i m pris on ment. All the power of 
e Government would be invoked to this end, and the enforcement of the law 
raid abolish for all rinw* , within the confines of our country, the manufacture 
d the sale and the importation of alcoholic liquors. 

Wast a remedy ! Can anyone propose a better solution? Is it not simple? 
a. Is it not honest? Yes. Is It not quick? Yes. Is it not constitutiona*rt 
s. Then why not be for it? Why waste time going around in a circle talk- 
e local option while a few of Its advocates capitalize it for their personal 
grandizement? Why waste time wandering in the wilderness, like the cha- 
en of ancient Israel hoping that some day. in the next century, the light of 
mmon sense will dawn upon the old political parties and that then, and sot 
1 then, will they have the courage to give yon a constitutional ■«* imIiihk 
Do you not know it follows like the night the day that if no intoxicating 

nmm trill ho CatM *> 



would be things of the past. So I say to you, if you want to stop the woes an 
the wants, the fears and the tears, the trials and the troubles, the cries an 
the crimes, and the miseries and the inhumanities that follow fast upon ear 
other the indulgence in intoxicating liquors, you must stop the manufacture 
and the only way you can do that is by a tax so high as to be effectually pr< 
hibitive. 

Are you really for prohibition? Then here is the remedy. Do you want t 
abolish the manufacture of intoxicating liquors? Then here is the solutioi 
Do you want to win? Then stand for this law — so simple, so honest, and s 
speedy. Put this measure on the statute books and I tell you that the mam 
factnre and the sale of alcoholic liquors will be a thing of the past; that tli 
struggle of the brave men and the heroic women who, in season and out c 
season, have battled for prohibition will be won; and under the dome of th 
Union sky there will not be a drunken man or a drunken woman in all tb 
limits of our glorious country. 

You know what to do. It seems to me our duty is plain. The dictates c 
our hearts must now prompt our future action. Now is the time to start righ 
So here to-day I ask you to declare in favor of this legislation that will foreve 
abolish the manufacture and the sale of intoxicating liquors; and to this cor 
summation, so devoutly to be wished, let us welcome the support of all politics 
parties and the cooperation of the reform forces in America, regardless of th 
past, but with an eye single to success, and with the hope, fathered by a determ 
nation that there shall be no retreat, no compromise, until we reach the end o 
the road, and the gladsome voices of our country saved tell us the victory fo 
humanity has been achieved. 



GOV. SULZER POINTS THE WAY TO SUCCESS. 

[Editorial from the Sentinel, the leading Prohibition paper in the State of New Yori 

Feb. S, 1916.] 

Former Gov. William Sulzer is a man who does tilings. His record prove 
that. He has that indefinable quality of knowing how. While others wai 
Sulzer acts. 

On the opposite page of this issue we print the Sulzer bill to tax the liquo 
traffic out of existence. This bill has been introduced in the Congress of th 
United States by Mr. Sulzer's friend, Representative Candler, of Mississippi. 

The bill was prepared by former Gov. Sulzer. He has given the subjec 
careful Investigation and consideration. The bill, in the opinion of those nios 
Conversant with the matter, is the true remedy for the abolition of the liquoi 
traffic. In this connection read the great speech of Mr. Sulzer, delivered a 
the Prohibition convention at Syracuse, N. Y., last December. 

We know local option is a compromise. It is like walking in a circle. I 
gets nowhere. We know that a prohibition amendment to the Constitution o: 
the United Slates is a difficult matter to secure. Those who know most abou 
it declare that it would take half a century for its accomplishment Why wait' 
Why wander in the wilderness? 

The Sulzer plain is feasible. There is no doubt, as Gov. Sulzer says, that tin 
bill is constitutional. It can not ho successfully attacked in the courts. Tin 
United States Supreme Court; has declared over and over again that the pouci 
of Congress to tax is Incontrovertible, and that the power to tax is the powei 
to destroy. The Sulzer bill is the practical way to destroy the liquor traffic. 

Mr. Sulzer wants to abolish the manufacture and the sale of intoxicating 
liquors in the United Stales by taxing the evil out of existence. His reinedj 
Is the simplest and the quickest remedy that can be applied. Hence every pro- 



8 

ibitionist, every believer in temperanee, every advocate of the constitutional 
mendment, every antlsaloon leaguer, every local optionist, and every friend 
f the cause should get together and line up in the fight for tin; Sulzer bill, 
ropplng ail other plans and concentrating on (lie Snlzer plan. If this is done, 
ie Snlzer bill can be passed before this Congress adjourns and (he battle for 
rohlbltlon won. 

Mr. Snlzer is a .ureal leader. lie says (bat he will lead the fight for this 
jglslation; that lie will lead where any friend of (he cause will follow; and 
liat he will follow where any friend of the cause will lead. What man can say 
lore? What man can do more? Where can the prohibitionists of (he country 
ml an abler, a more experienced, a more eloquent, and a more popular leader 
ban William Snlzer? He has spent IS years in Congress, and has had a longer 
>gislative experience (ban any man in the country. Mr. Snlzer knows W;ish- 
igton like a book. He is popular, respected, and well known to the people 
1 official life in Washington. We believe if the fight is made, under his 
sadership, for ibis legislation it can be passed. To that end we will do all 
] our power to help Mr. Sulzer, and thus aid the cause. 

Another thing — just as important. Mr. Sulzer's plan lo unite the reform 
srees in American behind the campaign to abolish the manufacture and sale 
f alcoholic liquors, and for other reforms — to many people just as important— 
minds the keynote for the battle this year. As Mr. Sulzer says: "United we 
,in ; divided we lose." He proved that in 1914, in bis great campaign for gov- 
rnor. Mr. Sulzer is the unchallenged leader of the American Party. He 
arried the banner for the Prohibition Party in the State of New York in the 
ist gubernational campaign and polled five times more votes than any other 
andidate in its history. He stands unequivocally for prohibition, and has had 
lie American Party declare for it. No man in America has done more for the 
ause of prohibition. He is to-day its foremost advocate, and the best-equipped 
eneral in command of its forces and supporters. 

Mr. Sulzer is the greatest campaigner in America. He stands squarely for 
lie reforms we want. He has the faculty of presenting them more eloquently 
nd more convincingly to the voters than any other man in (he country. He 
nows what lo say and how to say it. He knows what to do and how to do it 
Ie knows how to get the votes, and votes tell. Without the votes we can not 
•in. With the votes we will win. Why not get the votes V Why not win? It 
i all very clear to us. 

Let us help Mr. Sulzer in every way we can. If lie is willing to lead let us 
gree to follow him. If we do follow him he will lead us to victory. " Sulzer 
nd success" should be the bailie cry of all friends of the reforms wo have so 
inch at heart from now on until the polls close in (he campaign of 191G. 

Mr. Sulzer is the Moses to lead us out of the wilderness into the promised 
ind. 

M1NNKSOTA FOR STJIZER, 

Editorial from Iowa Prohibitionist, the leading Prohibition paper in Iowa, Feb. 22, 1916.] 

The time has fully conic when the people should know who are among the 
respective standard bearers for the responsibilities and honors for President 
f the United States. This high office, like all American business, is on a com- 
etitive basis. The platform and the candidate plus the partisan spirit deter- 
aine the business transaction. 

There is great value in keeping in touch with the people. This the leaders 

^Til/Mr Imirn nlo«o/l fha nomo nf a-v.Cinv Willinm R11I7.PV. 



9 

of New York, on their primary ballot as candidate for the Presidency on th< 
Prohibition Party ticket. The name of ex-Gov. Foss, of Massachusetts, has 
also been put on the primary ballot. Already the cry is heard from all parts 
of the State, " Sulzer and victory." 

Minnesota realizes that now is the time to make votes for the party candl 
date. The Nation can be thoroughly aroused for ex-Gov. Sulzer before the con 
vention and at that time his nomination will bring the prenomination campaigr 
to a white heat and spread like a prairie^ fire from the St. Paul convention t( 
all parts of the Nation. 

Now is Ihe time to concentrate on a candidate. Much work can be done thai 
will greatly add to the strength of the campaign. Thousands of votes can b< 
made and thousands of workers lined up who will be doubly prepared for can* 
paign work. The leaders should speak out through the party papers and a concen 
sus of opinion select our candidate as soon as possible. The principle that will 
be built into a platform as well as the man who stands on it is a matter oi 
interest to every voter in the Nation, more especially to every prohibition votei 
going into the national convention. 



SULZER FOR PRESIDENT. 
[Editorial from tbe Illinois Banner, the leading Prohibition paper in Illinois, Feb. 24, 1916.] 

The presidential campaign is approaching and the Prohibition Party leaders 
should be looking out for candidates that will lead on to victory. The presi- 
dential nominee must be, first of all, an honest, conscientious man, a true 
prohibitionist, and a leader who can command men and women and secure 
votes. The Prohibition Party has always been true to its first principles, but 
we have been too long playing politics. We must change our methods and go to 
doing politics. 

Our leaders may differ — in fact, they do differ on some of the important mat- 
ters at issue — but these differences will all be adjusted before going into the 
national convention. We must have a broad and firmly constructed platform, 
covering all necessary reforms — a platform upon which all reform voters may 
unite and elect our Prohibition Party candidates. There is no doubt but that 
Teddy Roosevelt will lead a goodly number of Progressives back into the Repub- 
lican Party, but they will not all go with him. There are a large number of the 
members of the Progressive Party that will go into some other reform party 
when their parly goes to pieces, as it surely will at the twin national convention 
in Chicago. These reform voters are nearly all prohibitionists in theory, and 
Lhey will become prohibitionists in reality whenever they can see signs of suc- 
cess in the Prohibition Party. The American Party has been organised in a 
Dumber of States on a platform almost identical with (he Prohibition Party 
platform. In the State of New York tbe American Party was merged with the 
Prohibition Party by the Hon. William Sulzer, who was the Prohibition Party 
Candidate for governor of that State a few years ago. Mr. Sulzer made a 
wonderful showing in his campaign, receiving live times more Prohibition Party 
votes than had ever before been given a prohibition candidate in that State. 
All these things look favorable for the Prohibition Party if our leaders select 
the right man lo lead. 

The Prohibition Party has a large number of capable men, any of whom 

might be selected as our armor bearer, but tbe Illinois Banner believes thai the 

lion. William Sulzer, of New York, Is the logical candidate for President on the 

Prohibition Party ticket. Mr. Sulzer is, first of all, a sincere prohibitionist, as 

82418—15245 



10 

-vo have been informed by his intimate associates. He is an ideal leader of men 
mil measures, the best campaigner and vote getter in the country. In fact, we 
relieve Sulzer is the man to lead the Prohibition Tarty on to victory. Like one 
>f old, Mr. Sulzer " would rather be right than be President." He has been 
ested and came out without a blemish, though hounded and villiiied by the 
totorious Murphy, leader of the Tammany sang of grafters. Mr. Sulzer served 
line terms — 18 years — In the Congress of the United States, after serving sev- 
eral terms as Speaker of the New York State Assembly. His record in Congress 
s an open book. 

We shall have more to say about Mr. Sulzer In future issues of the Illinois 
banner. 

Nominate Sulzer for President and select some well-known western man for 
Pice President, and next November the victory for prohibition will have been 
von if all of the enemies of the liquor traffic will do their duty. 

' Why I am for Prohibition" — Forceful speech of former Gov. Sulzer, of New 
York, at Pittsbiiryh, Pa., February 22, 1916. 

[Reprinted from the Tost.] 

Mr. Sulzer spoke as follows: 

" When they ask you why I am for prohibition you tell them because prohibi- 
ten is the salvation of humanity; because prohibition is the remedy for the 
nils of intemperance; because prohibition will save 50 per cent of your taxes; 
>ecause prohibition will .solve the problem of the high cost of living; because 
prohibition will cut in half the expenses of government; and because prohibi- 
ten is an economic reform that will work a revolution in the industrial develop- 
ment of our country. 

" When they ask you why I am for prohibition you toil them because I am 
Igainst slavery — the slavery of alcohol ; because I know strong drink is the 
•iieiny of the human race; because I am for the home and against the saloon. 
LV11 them, I say, that every believer in the family, that every rent payer, that 
■very taxpayer, and that every friend of civic righteousness should be with U9 
n the Struggle we are making to abolish the slavery of strong drink. Tell 
hem that every man in the State who is opposed to the evils of intemperance 
diould come to our support, and if he will do so victory will crown our efforts. 
Cell them I am doing my part, and that we must summon to the Standard to do 
heir part every man and every woman who believes in the fatherhood of God 
m<l the brotherhood of man. 

"Tell them that prohibition Is a moral reform; that prohibition refuses to 
temporize with vice; that prohibition will not compromise with immorality; 
that prohibition is a principle; that a principle is either right or wrong; that 
kve know the principle of prohibition is right; and that every workingman, 
:'very employer of labor, every farmer, every taxpayer, and every law-abiding 
citizen in the country should he for prohibition, because it will do more for 
morality, more to reduce taxation, more for the social uplift, more for economic 
betterment, more to mala' the home happy, more to remedy the high tost of 
living, and more for the common weal, take it all in all, than any other agency 
in America. 

"Tell them T have carefully Studied the question of prohibition; that I know 
what I am talking about; that prohibition has become an issue in politics; that 
prohibition will never be settled until it is settled right; and that if we present 
the issue without fear to tho voters, it will win in every State in the Union* 

32418—15213 



11 

"When they tell you about the revenue derived from the liquor traffic yo 
tell them you think so much of your country that you want it to get out of th 
saloon business, revenue or no revenue, so that we can cut to the depths th 
evils of strong drink. Tell them that prohibition and only prohibition will d 
It. Tell them that the first step to success must be the divorcement of goverr 
ment from its copartnership with John Barleycorn. Tell them that we are in 
fight for a great cause — the cause of humanity — and that behind this grea 
cause we must put the church, and the school, and the home, and every mora 
agency in the State. 

" When they ask you why I am for prohibition you tell them because I hav 
the courage of my convictions ; because I am against intemperance ; because 
do not straddle a fundamental principle; because I will not be a hypocrite 
because I love my fellow man; because I believe the time has come for th 
Government to get out of the liquor business ; because I want no man to er 
slave himself, to shackle his friends, to widow his wife, and to bring sorrow t 
the homes of his fellow man ; because I want no friend of mine to make hi 
children dotards, and the children of his associates tear-stained orphans; b< 
cause I am opposed to any man doubling his taxes ; because I know fror 
experience that a dollar saved is a dollar made ; and, finally, because I wan 
to do my share, in my day and generation, to lessen the woes and the wants o 
humanity ; to end the crimes and the criminals of society ; and to decrease th 
poorhouses and the penitentiaries of the country. 

"When they ask you why I am for prohibition you tell them that if th 
people were to save the money the indulgence in strong drink costs annuallj 
and the same were utilized for public purposes, it would develop our grea 
water powers and give us light, heat, and power free of cost ; that it wouli 
build the best dirt roads since the days of the Caesars ; that it would erect th 
most beautiful public buildings the eye of man has ever witnessed — all poem 
in stone — challenging the admiration of every lover of the beautiful ; that i 
would dig the deepest canals ever constructed on earth ; that it would rear t 
heaven the most magnificent schoolhouses for the children of women eve 
modeled by the genius of man; and that beyond all, and above all, it woul< 
make our people sober and industrious and efficient, and capable of producin 
in every avenue of trade, every channel of commerce, and every line of bumai 
endeavor more than 20 per cent of what they now produce, and hence to tha 
extent increase the earning and the saving capacity of our workers. 

" When (bey ask you why I am for prohibition you tell them that I am fo 
prohibition because I want our men and women to come out of the swales o 
drunkenness up to the heights of soberness and get the perspective of the prom 
ised land ; because I know from facts that those who earn their wage in th 
sweat of their face and spend it for strong drink are robbing their families b; 
picking their own pockets; because I know from statistics, medical and physio 
logical, that the use of alcoholic drinks is death to brain and brawn and fetter 
to hope and ambition; because I know from an economic standpoint, to say noth 
ing about its moral and its physical aspects, that the prohibition of the inami 
faeture and the sale of alcoholic liquors will be one of the greatest boons tha 
ever blessed humanity — a tremendous factor for good to every man, woman, ani 
child in the Commonwealth — a harbinger to all mankind in the struggle fo 
Huccess; and one of the most potent agencies on earth to Increase the materia 
wealth of America in the onward and upward march of civilization. 

" When they ask you why I am for prohibition you tell them because I wan 
to make the hearlhsido happy ; because I want to make mankind free ; because 
want to make the State sober; and because I know the home can not be happ; 
while the State is rioting In alcoholic drunkenness. 



12 

• Tell them thai I .say ao State and no country can long endure half wet and 
half dry, half drunk and half sober, and that all friends of good government 

should be wiiii us in the light to make the State sober and to banish forever the 
as from our country. 

• Tell them that wr boast that we arc the greatest and richest country In the 
world; that we have a population of more than 100,000,000 people; that its esti- 
mated wealth Is more than $200,000,000,000; that its annual revenue from the 
liquor traffic is about $200,000,000; that the people spend every year for alco- 
holic liquors more than $2,000,000,000 — just about ten times as much as the 
Government derives from the revenue, a sum of money that staggers the Unite 
mind; that most of the money comes from the poor, and If it were deposited in 
savings hanks to the credit of the toilers we would have a Government without 
a pauper and the richest people per capita since the dawn of time in any land 01 
in any dime. 

"Tell them that you know and I know that for every dollar the Government 
gets from its association with the liquor business it costs the taxpayers at least 
$20 to support courts and juries, hospitals and asylums, paupers and prisoners, 
poorhouses and penitentiaries. Tell them that the use of alcoholic stimulants is 
blighting the hope of our womanhood, debauching the flower of our manhood— 
morally, mentally, and physically — and devastating, degenerating, and docl> 
mating the human race. 

" Tell them that if I were asked to sum up in a single word the cause on eartli 
of more than seven-tenths of all the woes and all the wants; of all the fears and 
all the tears; of all the trials and all the troubles; of all the ghouls and all the 
ghosts; of all the crimes and all the criminals; of all the groans of helpless men 
and all the griefs of weeping women and all the heart pangs of sad-faced chil 
dren, I should sum it all up in that short word It-U-M — HUM — which menaces 
the progress of the future and challenges the advance of civilization." 
SUUS— 102-15 

o 



Governor Sulzer Makes Flat Denial of Frawlev 
Charges that He Made Personal Use of 
Campaign Contributions or Specu- 
lated in Stocks. 

Governor Breaks Silence with Bomb-like Declaration He 
is Innocent-Did not Know Brokers -Never Had an 
Account with Fuller and Gray or Boyer and Griswold- 
Denies all Speculation. 



Governor Sulzer after a conference with his lawyers 
last night issued a statemenl containing emphatic 
denials of the charges of the Frawley commitl 

Probably the mosi important of these assertions was 

the on,, that he had not used campaign contril 

for persona] use. He also denied thai he had specu- 
lated in Wall streel or used any money given him for 
campaign use to buy stocks. 

Prom the beginning of the so-called revelations of 
the Frawley committee the Governor has promised a 
reply when he had become familiar with the tran 
actions with which his name had been connected. 

Governor Sulzer's denials of certain vital charge 
made by the committee will, it is believed, put a new 

aspeci on the ease and may make it necessary for I lie 
committee to revise its report or gather new evidence 
it it hopes to make out a prima facie case of 
impeachment. 

The Governor's statement is as follows: 

" In view of (he fact that the Frawlev committee 
is about to make its report of the investigation il 
lias been making, I am advised that it would he 
unwise for me at this lime to make any detailed 
statement in reply to the matters that have been 
brought to the attention of that committee, hut 
having promised that I would furnish the press a 
statement, in fulfillment of that promise, I make 
the following brief reply to the matters that. 1 am 
informed had been brought before such committee: 

" I deny that I used campaign contributions for 
personal use. 

" I deny that I speculated in Wall sir- < i or u i d 
money contributed for campaign purposes to buy 
slocks either in my own name or othi rwi e, 

" I never had an account with Fuller and Q 
or Boyer and Griswold. I never heard of these 
firms; do not know the meml 
imr about the transactions with these linns. !<■< 
tified to before the Frawley committee, until 
recently threatened with exposure, and the all 
transactions wi^vf brought ntion by the 

Frawley committee. 

•• The slock matter with Harris and Fuller was 
not a speculative account, hut a loan made upon 

collateral, whi 
quired and ■ ire my nomination 

for H Brie "\ and from other sources 

than Harris and Fuller. 
" Certain checks given tome for campaign pur- 

pose! ted to my personal account, and 

after T paid the amount of said checks to my 
campaign committee. 

" In films my statement of receipts ami dis- 
bursements with the Secretary relied 
upon information furnished me by the persons in 
immediate charge of my campaign, and in v 

had, and -till have, the most implicit oonfidi 
and I believe. 1 the statement furnished by tl , 
me. at tin- I 



THERE IS NO GIFT IN THE REPUBLIC TOO GREAT FOR 
THE MEN WHO SAVED THE REPUBLIC. 



FROM A SPEECH 

OF 

HON. WILLIAM SULZER, 

OF NEW YORK, 

In the House of Representatives, 

April 15, 1910. 

Sfa Jjc 3|C i|S yr 

Mr. SULZER said: 

I introduced this bill because I am a friend of the 
soldiers who saved the Union, and I want to reward 
them while they live. Nobody here can ever say,. 
and nobody outside of these halls will ever be able 
to say. that during the sixteen years I have been a 
Member of this House I ever voted against a bill in 
the interests of the soldiers and sailors who saved 
the Union. This is a rich country; this is a great 
country: this is the grand Republic; and it is all so 
to a very large extent on account of what the brave 
and gallant men who marched from the North did in 
the great struggle for the Union. We owe them a 
debt of gratitude we never can pay. and gratitude, my 
friends, is the fairest flower that sheds its perfume in 
t lie human heart. We should be grateful to the sol- 
• lit'i's who fought that great war to a successful end. 
I can not bring my ideas in favor of this bill down to 
the level of mere dollars and cents. I place my views 
on higher ground. I want it to pais for patriotism — 
the noblest sentiment that animates the soul of man. 
1 say that there is no gifl in the Republic too great for 

the men who saved the Republic. 

***** 

41801 9009 

o 



'On the issues this year the Democratic 
Party Deserves Success" 




OF 




AT THE 



laftfication 
h T 



leeHn 
a 

TUESDAY NIGHT 
OCTOBER 18, 



Stenographically Reported and Printed 
by the Campaign Committee 



Mr. Sulzer paid in part: 

DEMOCRATIC VICTORY IS CERTAIN. 
"In my opinion the Democrats will carry the State of New 
York this fall I am conservative, but the scandalous revela- 
tions at Albany and the high cost of living have put the Re- 
publicans in this State on the defensive. On all the issues 
Involved in this campaign the Democratic party deserves suc- 
cess and is entitled to victory. 

THE OPPORTUNITY IS OURS. 

"Every Democrat in the State now has his face to the rising 
sun of Democratic opportunity and, imbued with hope, is 
looking forward to victory on election clay. The weak and 
incompetent administration of State and National affairs by 
the Republicans supplies us with all the political arguments 
we want: and if we will present the facts of Republican vacil- 
lation, Republican inconsistency, and Republican broken prom- 
ises earnestly and" "fearlessly to the people, I feel conlident 
our cause will be sustained. 

A SPLENDID TICKET— AND UNITED FRONT. 
"We present to the people a splendid State ticket— < -om- 
posed of able, honest, capable and efficient men — well quali- 
fied for their respective offices, and under the wise leadership 
of our candidate for Governor — the Honorable John A. Uix — 
our party is harmonious and now presents a united front all 
along the line. Our ticket will win because it deserves to 
win, and because the Republican ticket deserves defeat. That 
sums up in a nutshell the whole political situation in this 
campaign. 

THE PLATFORM THE BEST IN YEARS 
"The Democratic platform adopted in the Rochester Con- 
vention marks a gieat forward movement, and is the best 
exposition of progressive Democratic principles enunciat' >l 
in recent years by a Democratic State Convention. I helped 
to make that platform, and for years — in season and out of 
season — 1 have been advocating the reforms it now promul- 
gates as party principles. 

WHAT IT PROMISES. 

"The Democratic party, in this State campaign, thi 
splendid platform, niomises and pledges the people, aino 
other desirable things, the following reforms: 

"First — Ballot reform by simplifying the ballot alcn;. 
lines of the Australian or Massachusetts ballot laws. 

"Second — Legislation in favor of direct nominations ol ail 
candidates for office so that the people of our State shall 
nominate the candidates as well as elect them. The election 
ol Senators in Congress by the people. 

"Third — In favor of the ratification of the income tax am 
merit to the Federal Constitution so that wealth as well 
woik shall bear its just share of the burdens of government 

"Fourth — Home rule for our cities, towns and villages. 

"Fifth — In favor of a sensible, broad-minded businesslike 
administration of governmental affiairs, with honesty and prac- 
tical economy all along the line as the watchwords. 

"Sixth — Internal improvements; parcels post, good roads, 1 
tetter waterways and the sensible conservation of all ou* 
Statural resources. 



"I believe there are no matters of moment that the next, 
Legislature can consider that will be of greater advantage 
to the people and for the good of the public weal than these 
prepositions. 

"In my own way I am doing and have been doing ail 1 can 
for their accomplishment, and in the future, as in the past, 1 
shall do my part to write this desirable legislation upon the 
statute books of our State. 

THE TARIFF QUESTION. 

"Now, my friends, let me briefly discuss with you a few of. 
the most important questions before the people in this cam- 
paign. 

"The tariff issue is a live question. It will not down. The 
Republicans promised that they would revise the tariff down- 
ward; they told us that they would reduce tariff taxes; but 
the Payne-Aldrich law does not do it. On the contrary, it 
increases taxation and is a revision upward. That act con- 
victs the Republican party of its plutocratic copartnership 
with the criminal trusts and the oppressive monopolies and 
demonstrates the hollowness of Republican promises when it 
comes to tariff tax reductions on the necessaries of life in 
tbe interest of the plain people of the country. 

PAYNE-ALDRICH LAW UNJUST. 

"The Payne-Aldrich law is unjust in its discriminations 
against the toilers; it is unfair in its impositions on the pro- 
ducers; and It is unconscionable in its tyrannical exactions 
on the consumers of the country. The Democratic party is 
absolutely opposed to the Payne-Aidrich tariff law. It is an 
imposition on the people. It is a mockery and a sham. It is 
legalized robbery. It is the highest protection measure ever 
placed on our statute books, tl increases the taxes on almost 
every necessary cf life. 

MOCKERY OF TARIFF LAW. 

• more than ten years the increased cost; of living, 
mointing higher and higher each succeeding year, has been 

most immediate, the most pressing and the most univer- 
sally observed fact about economic conditions in this coun- 

Iiuring all this period, while wages have remained prae- 

y the same, and the cost of the necesaries of life have 
been growing more and more oppressive, the promise has 
been held out by the Republicans that when they got around 
to tarifi revision something would be done to remedy these 
inequitable conditions. But what, was the result? The mock- 

■'. the Payne-Aldrich law — making matters wor 
of better. 

"The people are tired of being humbugged. Ever since 1896 
lan has been gradually losing his hold on the 
means of physical exist* i 

PROTECTION NO BENEFIT TO LABOR. 
"When we demand an equitable revision of unjust tariff 
Iminations the Republican standpatters contend thai they 
are all in the interest of labor; that this exorbitant protec- 
tion is for the benefit of the wage-earner; but every intolli- 
gent man in the country knows the absurdity of the proposi- 
tion. Protection for the sake of protection does not mate- 
rially benefit labor. Labor comes in free from every country 
on earth except China and Japan, and successfully competes 
here with the skilled labor of the world. Labor receives no 



protection. Tariff taxation has nothing '<• fa vitn the price 
of labor. Capital id not charitable. Capltul buys labor, like 
everything else, as cheaply as it can. Wages are regulate. i 
by the inexorable law of supply and demand. Whenever you 
And two employers looking for one workman, wages will bn 
high, and whenever you find two workmen looking for one 
employer wages will be low. When the demand 1b grca' 
than the supply wages go up. and when the supply Is greater 
than the demand wages go down. Tariff taxes have little or 
nothing to do with the price of labor. In all prosperous com. 
munitles labor id sought and not turned aside 

FRIEND OF THE WORKINGMAN. 
"I am now, always have been, and always will be, the friend 
of the workingman; my record for sixteen years in the Hoi 
of Representatives testifies to the fact. The American wage- 
earner is the greatest producer of real wealth in all our coun- 
try, lie is the best artisan and the best mechanic on earth. 
Of course, he gels more wages than the foreign workman. 
And he should, because he can do more work ml better work 
and In less time than the foreigner, and it costs the American 
workman at least twice as much to live here as it does the 
foreign workman "to-iive in other countries. On an average 
during the past ten years the cost of living in the United 
States has increased 49 per cent., and wages have remained, 
with Lew exceptions, about the same. The American w< 
earner pays twice as much for the necessaries of life as the 
foreign wage-earner. In the end he cannot save much. If 
the American workman is a little better off than the foreign 
workman he has no one to thank but himself, no agency to 
praise for his improved condition but his loyal Brothers in 
tire trades unions of the country, which have done more than 
nil other things combined to promote his progress, pro' 
his interests and benefit his welfare. 

TAX WEALTH, NOT POVERTY. 

"The Payne-Aldrich vax law discriminates against the many 
for the benefit of the few, and violates every principle of 
equality and of justice and of democracy. It is a revision of 
the tarifi upward and not downward. It repudiates the plat- 
form of the Republican party; refutes the promises of the 
Republican leaders; and laughs at the professions of Presi- 
dent Taft in the last campaign. It is a protection measure 
from end to end. No monopoly in the country opposed it. 
No standpatter repudiated it. The measure was quite satis- 
factory to every 'interest' but the interest of the plain people, 
who must pay all the taxes in the long run. It is a law to 
tax poverty and not wealth, and as an equitable tariff meas- 
ure it is the saddest disappointment of the country. 

THE RIGHTS OF THE TOILERS. 
r *T stand for the rights of man. I believe in justice to all. 
I am opposed to special privilege. I am an individualist. 1 
-want to give all an equal chance. I want to keep open the 
door of opportunity to every individual in all iur country. I 
iwaut to do all I can to make the world better and happier, 
and more prosperous. I believe in the greatness of labor. 
And I want to do everything I can as a legislator to protect 
jits Inherent rights and promote its best interests for the last- 
1ng benefit of all the r ole. I want labor to have as muctt 
standing as capitr" seat of government. 

A 



(NCOME TAX LIVE QUESTION. 

"The income tax is a live question. I am In favor of aa 
income tax, so that wealth, as well as toil, shall pay its just 
share of the burdens of government. 

'For years I hav« been a student of the income tax, and 
after careful consideration, I am committed to the proposition 
that an income tax is the fairest, the most honest, the most 
democratic and the most equitable tax ever devised by the 
genius of man. Ever since I went to Congress the record 
will show that I have been the constant advocate of an in- 
come tax along constitutional lines. 

"At the present time nearly all of the taxes raised for tne 
support of the government are levied on consumption, through, 
the agency of unjust and discriminating tariff taxes — on what 
the people need to eat, and to wear, and to live — the neces- 
saries of life — and the consequence is that the poor man, in- 
directly, but surely in the end, pays practically as much to 
support the government as the rich man. regardless of the 
difference in incomes. This system of levying all the taxes 
on consumption so that the consumers are saddled with all 
the burdens of government is an unjust system of taxation, 
and the only way to remedy the injustice and destroy the in- 
equality is by a graduated system of income taxes that will 
make idle wealth as well as honest, toil pay its just share of 
the money needed to administer the national government. 

INCOME TAX FAIR TO ALL. 

"An income tax is fair to all. Every great thinker, every 
honest jurist, every just statesman and every intelligent 
writer on political economy, from the aays of Aristotle down 
to the present time, has advocated and justified the imposi- 
tion of an income tax for the support of government as the 
most expeditious system of taxation that can be devised. It 
must come in this country. It should have been adopted long 
ago. Almost ev«ry great government on earth secures a large 
part of its revenue from an income tax. 

BLOW AT MILLIONAIRES' CLUB. 

"Just a few words about the election of Senators 'ay fche 
people. 

"I am the author of this reform, and I am glad the Demo- 
. crats in our State Convention wrote in our platform a strong 
plank in favor of it. It is in line with the plank in our plat- 
form for State- wiete" direct nominations. It should be the law 
in our State and In every State in the Union. I believe it is 
right. I know the people favor it. 

"I want to see it a part of the fundamental law of the land. 
I want to make the Senate less aristocratic and more demo- 
cratic. I want it more obedient to man and less responsive 
to Mammon. I want to make it pay more heed to the ap- 
peals of the people and listen less to the demands of plutoc- 
<ra<y. J want the Senate to be the people's Senate, in the 
Interest of many and for the benefit of all the people, md 
its i< ■••ornplishment will keep the gover-nrnent. nearer the 
masses and herald the dawn of a brighter and a better day 
in the onward march of the republic. 

GIVE THE PEOPLE A CHANCE. 

"The people all over this country demand this much-needed 
ihange la the Federal Constitution, so that they can vote 
ly for Senators In Congress. It is not a partisan ques- 
tion, neither la It a sectional Issue. The demand reaches ua 

I 



from all parts of the land and Irom m«B in all political par- 
of unanimity that is quite surprising. It 
is our duty to respect the wishes cf the people and '■ 
them a aniform law allowing them to vote for Senators in 
ss just tii!. same as they n for Represantatives 

in < 

BRAINS, NOT SUBSERVIENCY. THE TEST. 
"1 am opposed to delegating away the rights of the p 
and where they have been delegated away I would n 
them to the people. I trus' pie and 1 believe in the 

people I believe that all governments, derive their just 
powers from the consent of the governed, and hence I want 
to restore to the people the right now delegated to the I 
lain res by the Cramers of th? Crmstltution, so that ths Seriate, 
I! as the House, will be directly responsible to the peo- 
ple and the government become more and more a pure d nioc- 

whcre brains, fitnns-, honesty, ability, and experien 
capacity, and not wealth and subserviency, shall be the true 
qualifications for the upper branch of the. Federal Legislature. 

OUR MERCHANT MARINE. 

"Nov.", my friends, another matter of moment, bet me tell 
you that there is not a line in the Payne-Aldrich law to ie- 
Ktore the American merchant marine; and increase our reve-^ 
nue by taxing the carrying capacity of foreign-built ships in 
our deep-sea trade; and it is a matter of much regret that 
the few Republican in Congress who control its affairs and 
diet ate legislation seek to remedy the situation by shij 
tidies, and hence earnestly favor a ship-subsidy bill, which 
is another phase of protection/but no remedy at all, onlv a 
mere temporary makeshift to rob the many for the ben 
the few by taking money out of the pockets of the taxi' 
generally and giving it to a few favored individuals. I am 
opposed to this subsidy policy. It never has succeeded and it 
never will succeed in accomplishing the purpose desired. All 
history proves it conclusively. Wherever and whenever it 
been tried it has failed. Ship subsidies are subversive of 
the eternal principles of justice and equality and in violation 
of the spirit of our institutions. The tixpayers of our coun- 
try, burdened now almost beyond endurance, are opposed to 
ship protection in the guise of ship subsidies. They are op» 
! to any mon graft bills. They say no private bu£ 

interests should be aided by direct giants from the Treasury. 
They declare Congress has no power to subsidize any trade 
oi any calling or any business, on land or sea, at the exp 
ol I be taxpayers of our country. 

"The records of Congress will show that I urged the Ways 
and Means Committee when it was making up tin I 
tariff rax bill to do something for the restoration of our 
building industry; to do something to recover our de< | 
trade along tin lines of a graduated system of tonnage 
on foreign ships, but 1 am sorry to say the commit ire did 
absolutely nothing for these important industries. 
THE REPUBLICANS RESPONSIBLE FOR THE DECLINE 
OF OUR MERCHANT MARINE. 

"The Democratic party is in favor of immediate action by 
Congress for the resumption of the shipping policy which 
prevailed under the first five Presidents of the Republic, and 
which brought forth and maintained the best merchant ma- 
Tine on the ocean without the cost of a cent to the America* 

I 



people: I denounce the Republican party for its willful neg- 
lect of our shipping in the foreign trade, having done nothin<* 
whatever for its revival since the Civil War, except to con- 
nive at the passage of vicious subsidy bills, utterly useless 
for the object in v-ic-w, and really in the interest of foreign 
nations. 1 am wiping io go as far as any man in this country 
to legislate for the restoration of the American merchant ma- 
rine to all its former glory and to sseu-e for the American 
people fheh just share of the over-seas carrying trade of the 
world. I know, and every man who has investigated this 
subject knows, that our loss of deep-sea commerce is due 
entirely to the iniquitous legislation and short-sichted pt'i- 
cies of the Republicans in the National Legislature If the 
American Congress would legislate intelligently regarding this 
subject, we could restore our merchant marine, increase our 
revenues, and secure nine-tenths of all our commerce on the 
high sr:,;, exports and imports, without a ship subsidy and 
without taking a single dollar from the pockets of the tax- 
payers to give bounties to favored ship owners. 
A SIMPLE BUSINESS MATTER. 
"This whole subject is a very simple matter when reduced 
to an intelligent business proposition. We do not need to 
take a dollar out of the Treasury of the United States to re- 
vive our shipbuilding interests or restore the merchant ma- 
rine. All we need to do is to legislate intelligently repeal 
the restrictive laws against our deep-sea shipping now on 
our statute nooks, put in their place laws similar to the navi- 
gation laws that were enacted by the early statesmen of the 
country— laws that built up our merchant marine in those 
historic days— laws that placed our flag on the high seas and 
gave us nine-tenths of our entire over-seas carrying trade 
and we would do it if it were not for the greed and the 
selfishness of the shipping trust. 

WHY THE REPUBLICAN PARTY IS DOOMED TO DEFEAT. 

"The Republican party has failed to meet the just expecta- 
tions of the people, and in the coming campaign is doomed 
to defeat. It has refused to respond to the earnest demands 
of the overburdened consumers of the country. It has sneered 
at the sincere appeals of the taxpayers. If has scorned the 
patriotic petitions of the toilers. It has legislated for the 
lew and against the many. It has 'stood pat' for high pro- 
tection and failed to reduce the exorbitant tariff taxes It 
has signally neglected to carry out the pledge of true reci- 
procity. It has refused to investigate and prosecute the crim- 
inal trusts, save where they declined to contribute. It has 
studiously avoided wherever possible the ratification of the 
income tax amendment to the Constitution, so that idle wealth 
as well - ionest toil shall bear its just share of the burdens 
®* ' V£- n has declined to pass the law to elect 

Congress by direct vote of the people. It has 
to pass the bill for a department of labor with a 
.y having a. seat in the Cabinet; and all other legisla- 
tor that matter, in the interests of the toilers, ft has 
-leated every Democratic effort to enact measures for home 
» U Z n, er local self-government for the Philippines for 
forto Rico, and for Alaska, and continues to govern these 
possessions like conquered provinces, through the strong 
arm of the War Department It has Ignored every effort to 
XfJ? ?\ ^ 68 K law \? ald the American merchant marine. 
And, take it all In all, it has spent more of the taxpayers* 



money and given the people less to sliow for It than any other 
political party la all the history of our existence. 

WHAT THE REPUBLICAN PARTY STANDS FOR. 

Viui. now, my friends, a few words in conclusion. The 
Republican part.y to-day stands for tariff taxation that, makes 
living a struggle for existence; for subsidies that rob the 
for the iVw; for economic heresies that paralyze indus- 
trial freedom; for centralization tn government at Washing- 
ton that destroys the sovereignty of the States; for political 
usurpations that subvert the Constitution for reckless ex- 
<anee that i.s little less than criminal; for political poli- 
ties that creat monopoly and enslave the masses; for -: 

ition thai tramples under foot the rights or man. and 
for a restrictive military government, in our insular posses- 
sions that violates the basic principles of the Declaration ot 
Independence. 

NOT THE PARTY OF LINCOLN. 
"The Republican party is not what it used > be; t is no 
longer the party of Lincoln; it no longer has 1 message for 
humanity; ir, no longer stands for great principles; it. no 
longer has a conscience; it no longer has freedom for an 
asset, it no longer advocates the policies of its founders; it. 
no longer has a single honest issue it dares to present to the 
country in the interest of all the people. 

WHAT THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY STANDS FOR- 

'The Democratic party stands to-day where it always has 
stood apd where it always will stand —for equal rights 
and special privileges to none;- for law and order and good 
government; for economy and retrenchment and reform; for 
home rule and the right of local self-government; for equal 
and exact justice to all men, no class legislation, no caste, 
no cant, no pretense, no hypocrisy, no sumptuary and oppres- 
sive laws. 

DEMOCRACY WILL NEVER DIE. 

"I have.no fears for Democracy. The Democratic party 
will never die until the pillars of the Republic totter and 
crumble and liberty is no more. Its future is is secure as its 
past is glorious and its ultimate Success la the struggle for 
equal rights to all will 1>c the crowning triumph of the prog- 
»f the race and the brightest page is the annals of human 
destiny. It will live to voice the aspirations of liberty and to 
perpetuate the freedom of the fathers; it will live to remedy 
every political evil, to expose every economic heresy; and 
Atroy every governmental abuse; it will live to push 
onward the forces of reform and to lift, humanity to a higher 
plena in the march of civilization; it will live to champion 
the cause that lacks assistance and to stem the tide that 
resistance; It will live to battle for the weak against 
rang and for the right against the wrong; it will live to 
stop the predatory few from exploiting the protesting many. 
and doing it all under the cloak of law; it will live to defend 
the Constitution and to commend the Declaration of inde- 
pendence; it will live to fight for the glory of the flag and to 
vindicate the rights of man; it will live to keep alive tue 
memory of Jefferson and of Lincoln, the greatest apostles ot 
freedom in all our marvelous history; it will live because it 
has a mission — a mission that can never die, the true mis- 
sion of Democracy to make mankind brothers and all the 
world free." 

ft 



GETTYSBURG CELEBRATION 
JULY 3, 1913. 



Mr. Sulzer said : 

' ' My Friends : We meet on the far-famed field of 
Gettysburg; dedicated to the freedom of man; conse- 
crated to the perpetuity of a reunited Country; and 
memorable forever in the illustrious pages of our 
glorious history. 

" No pen, no tongue, no brush, can ever picture or 
describe the scenes enacted on this field. 

" Gettysburg is fame's eternal camping ground — an 
inspiration and a shrine — the epic poem of the Union 
— sacred to the heroic men, living and dead, whose 
struggle here made Gettysburg immortal, and hallowed 
this ground for all the centuries yet to come. 

"All honor and all glory to the men, from upland 
and from lowland, that met here to do or die for 
Country. Their fame is secure. Their memory will 
endure. Their deeds shall never be forgotten. 

' ' Fifty years ago, Great Captains, with their men in 
blue and gray — the bravest of the brave,, from North 
and South, that ever faced a foe — struggled here and 
there across this plain, amid the roar of cannon, for 
three long weary days, in the mightiest contest that 
ever shook our land; and in that clash of steel, and by 
the trial of battle, it was decided, then and here, that 
all men must be free, and that the Eepublic of the 
Fathers shall not perish from the earth. 

" Half a century has come and gone since that ter- 
rific conflict, but the intervening years have only added 
greater splendor to the sacrifice sublime, and a grander 
glory to the victory triumphant. 

' ' History tells us truly that on this field was fought 
the decisive battle of the War between the States ; that 
it was here the flood tide of the fate of Union — of all 
that we are, and all that we hope to be — turned toward 
Old Glory; that it was here the triumph of the Stars 
and Stripes, over the Stars and Bars, saved from dis- 
solution the greatest Eepublic the sun of noon has ever 
seen; and that the valor, and the heroism, and the 



Trade With Central America — Guatemala. 



SPEECH 

OF 

HON. WILLIAM SULZER, 

of new york, 

In the House of Representatives, 

Friday, July. 9, 1909, 

On the following resolution : 

"Resolved, That the House of Representatives take from the Speak- 
er's table and nonconcur in gross in the Senate amendments to House 
bill No. 1438, entitled ' An act to provide revenue, equalize duties, and 
encourage the industries of the United States, and for other purposes,' 
and agree to the conference asked for by the Senate on the disagree- 
ing votes of the two Houses ; and that a committee of conference be 
appointed forthwith ; and said committee shall have authority to join 
with the Senate committee in renumbering the paragraphs and sec- 
tions of said bill when finally agreed upon." 

Mr. SULZER said: 

OUR SISTER REPUBLICS IN CENTRAL AMERICA. 

Mr. Speaker: At this time, and before the pending tariff bill 
is finally enacted into law, I desire to reiterate the hope so 
often expressed by me in Congress and out of Congress that 
something be done — that some provision be written in this 
legislation — to bring about closer political ties, broader mar- 
kets, and freer commercial relations with our progressive 
sister republics in Central America. 

A GREAT FIELD. 

Here is a great field — a splendid opportunity — it seems to me 
for our industrial expansion and for our commercial extension ; 
and now is the time, in my opinion, for the representatives in Con- 
gress of the people of the United States to exercise a little politi- 
cal' sagacity and exhibit a grain of good business foresight in the 
enactment of this tariff legislation that will mean much commer- 
cially as the years come and go to our producers, to our mer- 
chants, to our manufacturers, and to all the people of our country. 

THE PEOPLE OF CENTRAL AMERICA (Tit FRIENDS. 

And yet, sir, I regret to say, as I have frequently said before, 
that not a line has thus far been written, by either the House 
or the Senate, in the pending legislation, looking to closer politi- 
cal ties and to the expansion of our trade and commerce with 
these friendly and neighborly countries. Not a thing has been 
done for its accomplishment, and I am frank to say it is a great 
political blunder and a greater commercial mistake. As 1 view 
the situation we either attempt on the one hand to go too Ear 
afield seeking trade at great expense in far distant lands, or 
we display on the other hand a sad lack of knowledge of twist- 
ing conditions at home by denying trade at our doors — that is as 
1753—8512 



detrimental to our besl Interests as it is deplorable In our states- 
manship. The people of Central America are our real friends, 
and they should be our best customers; and they would be our 
lies) customers If we only had the commercial sense and the 
political wisdom to deal with them fairly and justly and recip- 
rocally along lines mutually advantageous. 

a m.i:a rot n:i:r.u mai:ki:i s. 

Eence, sir. I repeal that I indulge a last lingering hope thai 
ere the pending tariff l » I J l becomes a Jaw a paragraph will be 
written in its provisions for freer markets and closer com- 
mercial relations with these progressive countries based on the 

equitable principles of closer political ties anil truer reciprocal 
relations. AS 1 have said before, J do not care bow it is done; 
I have no vanity in the matter; I am wedded to no partisan 
policy; but I want to see it accomplished at the earliest possible 
day for the benefit of our own people and in the interest of all 
the people in Central America. I know it can easily be done, 
and if it is not done now we are simply blind to our own indus- 
trial welfare and to our own commercial opportunities. 
wax aim: \vk blind to oitoutcxity ': 
Sir, the statistics conclusively show that tins Central Ameri- 
can trade at our very doors is growing more Important and be- 
coming more valuable every year. Why should we longer ig- 
nore it'.- European countries are doing their best to secure it, 
and the facts prove that they are getting the most of it at the 
present time, very much to our detriment and to onr disad- 
vantage. Why will OUT people always be blind commercially to 
their own best interests and to their own greatest opportunities? 
Why spend millions of dollars annually Seeking trade in the 
Orient when the commerce of all Central America — richer than 
the Indies — is knocking at our door? Let us obliterate the ob- 
stacles in the way, tear down the barriers sellish interests have 
erected, and open wide the doors to welcome this commerce eie 
it is too late and the golden opportunity he lost forever. 

NOW IS TIIH ACCKLTKD TIME. 

Now is the accepted time. These Central American countries 
are anxiously awaiting the outcome of our deliberations. They 
long l'"i- some evidence of our political friendship and our com- 
mercial Sincerity. They want to trade with us. They will meet 
us more i han halfway. They will study every line of this 
tariff bill when it becomes a law to see if it welcomes or aban- 
dons their hopes. Shall we disappoint their most sanguine 
expectations? Shall we Ignore this most valuable trade, these 
great commercial opportunities, and give these splendid markets 
wholly and entirely to Germany and to England? 1 trust not: 
and so I say again I hope ere we adjourn and the pending tariff 
bill becomes a law. there will be written in it a just and fair 

provision for open markets, freer trade, and unrestricted com- 
merce between the Dnited Slates ami all our sister republics ill 
Central America. 

GUATEMALA A WnXPEHLAXD. 

Mr. Speaker, let me say that among the i.-ir-_'. st Importers 

and exporters from and to the Tinted Slates in Central America 

is Guatemala— one of the richest and most progressive repub- 
lics in Latin America, and a Republic extremely friendly to 

17.".:;— s.-,il- 



this Republic. Guatemala is a wonderland — a place of ideals 
and a country of contrasts. I have recently been there, and I 
know whereof I speak, and I say without fear of successful 
contradiction that Guatemala is now, and always has been, 
the loyal and consistent friend of the United States. Her nat- 
ural resources are rich beyond the dreams of avarice, and as yet 
they have barely been scratched. The people of Guatemala 
want our trade, and we want their trade. They look to us for 
aid, and we should extend to them a helping hand in their 
onward march to greater industrial development. 

PRESIDENT ESTRADA CABRERA. 

Under the wise, farseeing, patriotic, and progressive adminis- 
tration of President Manuel Estrada Cabrera, Guatemala is 
rapidly developing her wonderful resources, and instead of clos- 
ing our doors to her valuable products by restrictive tariff 
taxes, in my opinion we should open them wider to her grow- 
ing trade and do all in our power to facilitate closer bonds of 
friendship and better commercial relations with the Republic 
of Guatemala — the most enterprising land in all Central Amer- 
ica. "We want her products. She wants our products. I am 
now, and always have been, a friend of Guatemala. I know 
her people. They are among the most generous and the most 
hospitable people in all the world; and I am willing to go as 
far as any man, in Congress or out of Congress, to wipe out 
tariff barriers in order to secure a fairer exchange of products 
between the United States and this glorious little Republic of 
Central America. 

EESTORE OUR MERCHANT MARINE. 

Then, too, sir, in connection with the expansion of our trade 
and commerce with the countries in Central America we should 
provide for adequate steamship service by discriminating ton- 
nage taxes in favor of American-built sbips carrying the 
American flag and manned by American sailors. This policy 
will go far to restore our merchant marine and give us a share 
of the deep-sea carrying trade of the western world. Next to 
securing the trade is the ability to transport it, and we should 
transport all this commerce in our own ships in order to build 
up our own merchant marine; and we can easily accomplish 
it, as I have frequently pointed out, by a graduated system of 
tonnage taxes in favor of American-built ships and against 
foreign-built ships. This was the policy of the early states- 
men of our country, and it will not take a dollar out of the 
Treasury or a penny out of tho pockets of our taxpayers. We 
must construct our own ships to get this trade; we must build 
our own merchant marine to command this commerce. The 
trade of Central America must be ours; it will be ours if this 
Congress will now only do its duly and brush away the cob- 
webs of the past and break down the barriers which now impede 
its consummation. Enlightened public opinion favors this move- 
ment, and I will go as far as any man in Congress to bring it 
about. 

TIIK WORK OV JOHN BARRETT. 

sir. it is only just ami proper for me to say at this time what 
1 have said before on several occasions that Hie good work that 
is being done and has been done along these lines by the Hon. 

John Barrett, the very able and efficient and experienced i»i- 
175:; 8512 



rector of the Bureau of the American Republics is to be most sin- 
cerely commended. He is the right man In the right place. 
His indefatigable labors are beginning to bear fruit, but I am 
Borry t<> Bay that hla earnest efforts are very little appreciated 
;i i home, though very generously applauded by the far-seeing 
statesmen of our sister republics. 

THBIB BOCCBSS OUB SUCCESS. 

Mr. speaker, the people of these central American countries 

are the true friends of the United States; they look to US for 
protection and sisterly sympathy; they need OUT help in their 
industrial progress; they desire our aid in the marketing of 
their products; they want our financial assistance in the develop- 
ment of their great natural resources; and their resources and 
their products are greater and richer than those of countries far 
away across the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. We should aid 
them ill their struggle for better conditions; we should extend 
to them a helping hand in their onward march of progress: we 
should glory in their prosperity. Their success is our success. 
They are rapidly forging to the front; their exports and im- 
ports are increasing annually; their trade is becoming more 
and more important; their commerce more and more .valuable ; 
and instead of closing our doors by prohibitive tariff taxes 
against these countries and their products, in my opinion we 
should open them wider and do everything in our power to 
hasten closer political ties and facilitate freer trade and com- 
mercial relations. 

WITE OCT TARIFF BARRIERS. 

We want their products and they want our products, and all 
tariff barriers erected to prevent a fairer and more reciprocal 
exchange of goods, wares, and merchandise between us and these 
countries should, in so far as possible, be wiped out and elimi- 
nated. It will be for the best interest of the people of our own 
country, to the lasting benefit of the people of these Central 
American countries, and for the mutual advantage of each and 
all — binding us together in closer political ties of friendship and 
making for the peace and the prosperity and the industrial 
progress of the times. 
1753— Soil! 

O 



GOVERNOR SULZER'S 
MESSAGE ON STOCK EXCHANGES 



STATE OF NEW YOEK 

Executive Chambee 

Albany, January 27, 1913. 
To the Legislature: 

A matter concerning the general welfare of onr State, to which 
I desire to call the attention of your honorable bodies, is the sub- 
ject of remedial legislation regarding stock exchanges. 

These stock exchanges, as is well known, are places where the 
purchase and sale of stocks, bonds and other securities, as distin- 
guished from commodities, are carried on and transacted. 

Illegitimate stock speculations result from improper, unneces- 
sary, and fraudulent manipulations through matched orders, wash 
sales, pooling agreements, etc., which are no more nor less than 
fictitious transactions, and affect the public by assuming to create 
values where none exist, or values not according to the intrinsic 
worth of the securities. 

The people have a vital interest in seeing to it that transactions 
upon stock exchanges are conducted honestly, and with due regard 
to the protection of the investing public. These transactions in- 
volve such great amounts, affect such a large number of the in- 
vesting public, and are so bound up with the success of our busi- 
ness enterprises, that the subject is one requiring careful' con- 
sideration by the members of the Legislature of the greatest com- 
mercial State in the Union. 

Complaints of flagrant abuses led Governor Hughes, in De- 
cember, 1908, to refer the subject for investigation to an unofficial 
committee of eminent citizens of conspicuous ability, who sub- 
mitted a comprehensive report thereon the following June. 



2 

In dealing with bhe sub j eel this committee recognized the fad 
thai these stock exchanges are the rnoel important markets in 
the world; thai their influence upon the welfare of the people of 
the I oited States cannot be overestimated; because they are the 
places where prices are made, and a ready market provided, for 
the billions of dollars of corporate securities, constituting the 
investments of perhaps a million individuals, and thousands of 
hanks, savings institutions, and insurance companies. 

The report shows that the committee was convinced that seri- 
ous abuses existed. It declared thai a substantial part of the 
transactions in these stock exchanges were virtually gambling 
operations; and the statements were conclusive that often prices 
of securities were grossly manipulated by speculators, causing- 
material losses to the public and moral detriment to the people. 

While most conservative in its recommendations, this commit- 
tee, of distinguished citizens, did not hesitate to condemn these 
evils specifically, and to admonish the governors of the ex- 
changes to take the necessary corrective measures, which with 
their experience and the plenary powers conferred upon them 
by their rules and constitution, they could devise more effec- 
tively, without injury to legitimate business, than any other 
body of men ; pointing out that unless they did so the State would 
be compelled to intervene. 

These stock exchanges are an inevitable necessity. They can- 
not be destroyed without doing irreparable injury to business. 
When properly conducted they constitute an efficient agency for 
promoting industrial and commercial prosperity. As at present 
constituted, however, they are beyond the regulative powers of 
any administrative department of the State. 

That evils requiring immediate remedy exist is beyond dispute. 
These evils are easily discovered and readily stated, but the reme- 
dies to be applied require deliberate consideration and the most 
delicate adjustment to meet the situation, so as to benefit the 
public at large, and at the same time not disturb economic and 
indusl rial conditions. 

Recently a committee of the House of Representatives has taken 
cognizance of the conditions, as matters which concerned the 
whole country, and has placed on record the testimony of some 
of the governors of the exchanges, and of other persons, which 
leaves no doubt in the minds of men of judgment that the ex- 



changes have been either incapable, or unwilling, to devise meas- 
ures that will effectively eradicate the evils. 

In view of these circumstances it is now the obvious duty of 
the State, it seems to me, to devise the remedies. If the State 
neglects to do its plain duty, the State should find no fault if the 
Federal government acts in the premises. 

A critical examination of the testimony adduced in, the congres- 
sional investigation shows that the grossest of the evils — manipu- 
lations of prices of securities, by means of which the public is 
deceived and mulcted — are not only possible under the present 
regulations of these exchanges, but that they actually occur. 

It is demonstrated that the members ,of the exchanges are 
aware of these occurrences, but ignore them; manifesting a sur- 
prising indifference to the public interest; and to the reputation 
of the exchanges which is often besmirched by these vicious 
operations. 

It is now conceded by some of the officials that a gambling taint 
is present in some of the transactions — a concession that confirms 
the general opinion. 

It has been established as a fact by the testimony, that trans- 
actions in their nature essentially fictitious, which make manipu- 
lations possible, are carried on without serious attempts at re- 
straint, on the pretense that they are in form in compliance with 
the regulations. 

Abuses of the mechanisms, and violations of just and equitable 
principles of trading, are treated leniently instead of being vigor- 
ously condemned and followed by condign punishment. 

The testimony further shows that in cases where members have 
been punished for extreme violations of the rules, it also indicates 
quite clearly that there are habitual evasions, undisclosed because 
not investigated. 

Many of the evil practices are not disclosed until the books of 
members who fail are examined ; but this has not led the governors 
to exercise their power of examination prior to failures. 

The men who have been entrusted with the power to regulate 
the operations of these exchanges have sometimes displayed in- 
excusable laxity in their duties to the public, frequently surpris- 
ing incapacity to conduct the institutions properly, and again an 
unwillingness to enforce the just and equitable principles of trade 
which they profess. Since they have failed or refused to exercise 



the power to prevenl such clearly vicious abuses, the authority of 
the State must be invoked to exercise thai power. 

Certain of the methods of business and of the operations 
ducted upon these exchanges have been the Bubjecl of many com- 
plaints and grave criticisms. Some of those methods and practices 
meril the severesl condemnation and others do not appear, upon 
careful examination of the facts, to be well founded. 

As a matter of fact It seems to me the necessary machinery of 
these exchanges is often employed with impunity by or through 
members to commit depredations upon the public. 

These things must be stopped. An enlightened public opinion 
demands it. An exchange in which they occur ceases to be a 
legitimate market, and becomes a powerful mulcting instrument. 

Suffice it for me now to call to your attention certain sugges- 
tions that have been made looking toward immediate remedial 
legislation, and to submit for your consideration other subjects 
with a view to essential legislative acts. 

Manipulation. 

Of the many subjects of complaint none exceeds in importance 
the grievances that arise from the subject, of so-called stock manip- 
ulation. This manipulation is one of the matters about which 
there lias been much public discussion. It may not be easy to 
define manipulation or to lay down rules that will clearly dis- 
tinguish between justifiable and unjustifiable transactions in 
securities. The bringing of a stock into notice so that it may 
be a marketable security at its real value resulting from sales and 
purchases is not open to valid criticism. 

What is a subject of just criticism, however, is a concerted 
movemenl artificially to raise, or depress, the price of a stock in 
order to enable those participating in the movement to realize a 
resulting speculative profit. Such movements in the main Beem 
to be produced by a combination of men uniting together for the 
purpose of raising, or depressing, the price of a security in which 
they have decided to institute a movement. 

A law Bhould be promptly enacted that will clearly distinguish 
proper transactions of purchase and sale, on the one hand, from 
those mi (he other hand that are the result of combinations de- 
signed to mise artificially, ot to depress, the price of securities 



without regard to their true value, or to the veal state of legitimate 
demand and supply. 

The Power of the State. 

The power of the' State to enact remedial legislation to cure 
existing evils in such business, and place it under the regulative 
administration of one or more of its departments is undoubted. 
This authority of the State is embraced within the State's 
sovereign power, called the " police power." 

An able characterization of the police power of a State was 
made by Mr. Justice Harlan in the well known case of House v. 
Mayes, 219 F. S. 270, at 282, where he states: 

" That the government created by the Federal Constitu- 
tion is one of enumerated powers, and cannot, by any of 
its agencies, exercise an authority not granted by that in- 
strument, either in express words or by necessary implica- 
tion; that a power may be implied when necessary to give 
effect to a power expressly granted ; that while the Con- 
stitution of the United States and the laws enacted in pur- 
suance thereof, together with any treaties made under the 
authority of the United States, constitutes the Supreme 
Law of the land, a State of the Union may exercise all such 
governmental authority as is consistent with its own consti- 
tution, and not in conflict with the Federal Constitution; 
that such a power in the State, generally referred to as 
its police power, is not granted by or derived from the 
Federal Constitution but exists independent of it, by 
reason of its never having been surrendered by the State to 
the General Government ; that among the powers of the 
State, not surrendered — which power therefore remains 
with the State — is the power to so regulate the relative 
rights and duties of all within its jurisdiction so as to guard 
the public morals, the public safely and the public health, 
as well as to promote the public convenience and the com- 
mon good ; and that it is with the State to devise the 
means to be employed to such ends, taking care always that 
the means devised do not go beyond the necessities of the 
case, have some real or substantial relation to the objects 
to be accomplished, and are not inconsistent with its own 
constitution or the Constitution of the United States." 



G 

In speaking of the police power, Mr. Justice Eolmes, in the 
case of Noble State Bank v. Haskell, 219 l'. S. L04, al ill, 
used the following language : 

" It may be said in a general way thai the police power 
extends to all the great public needs. (Canfield v. United 
States, L67 I . S. 518.) It may be pul forth in aid of what 
i- sanctioned by usage, or held by the prevailing morality 
or stroiiii - and preponderant opinion to be greatly and im- 
mediately necessary to the public welfare." 

Concerted Movements to Deceive. 

It is my judgment also thai where, by a combination or con- 
certed movement, a body of men seek to give to a stock an appear- 
ance of activity thai does not in fad belong to it, for example, 
by selling backward and forward among themselves blocks of a 
particular stuck, or by selling it oul through one broker and at the 
-ami' time buying it back through another, there is danger thai 
this operat ion may mislead or deceive outside investors, the practice 
should be prohibited. 

If operations of this elm racier do mislead or deceive, and do 
induce outside investors to purchase stock under a false impression 
as to the extent of the demand for it and the nature of the market 
for it, a statute should be placed on the books forbidding such 
operations. 

So long as transactions are nor calculated or intended to mis- 
load or deceive, and do no1 infringe upon the rights of others, 
they should not be interfered with; but transactions that are 
fraudulent in their nature and amount to fraudulent schemes or 
devices, should be rigorously prohibited. 

I urge upon you the prompt enactment of laws to end these 
shifty schemes, and to forbid these clever combinations to catch 
the unwary and to mislead the public 

Short Sales. 

The subject of so-called " short sales " is one requiring your 
serious consideration. A contracl to sell property which a man 
does not own at the time, but with which he can provide himself 
in time for the performance of bis contract, is a general trans- 
action throughout the various branches of business, and is not 
limited or peculiar to stocks or securities sold on exchanges. It is 



a subject which has been very much discussed by writers on 
financial topics, and one that has also been the subject-matter of 
legislation in this and other countries. As with other business 
transactions, it may be perverted so as to work an injury to the 
public. The best views seem to be that short-selling in and of 
itself is not a wrongful or reprehensible thing, but it is the abuse 
of this practice that works injury to the public. 

Your efforts in the enactment of legislation should, therefore, 
be to draw that distinction so that what will be condemned is the 
perversion of a legitimate form of business to improper ends. 
Combinations of men through short-selling to depress a stock arti- 
ficially for the purpose of buying it in to complete their short 
sales at an unwarrantedly low price, and thereby realize a profit 
which is not the result of natural prices, but of a condition 
fictitiously created by themselves, is the feature of the matter 
which is to be condemned. 

Hypothecation of Securities. 

The relation of a broker to his customer is one that is gov- 
erned by the general law of the land, and is the same whether 
transactions on stock exchanges are involved or not. Their re- 
spective rights in securities which are bought or sold for the cus- 
tomer, the extent to which securities that have been bought for the 
customer partly on credit may be pledged by the broker for the 
security of the amount owing on them, and, generally, the recipro- 
cal rights and obligations of the broker and his principal, are mat- 
ters which have been much considered by the courts and respecting 
which rules of law have been and are constantly being formulated. 

But it has been the subject of just complaint that in the case 
of failures customers of the failing brokers have lost in whole or 
in part securities which had been purchased for them. Such 
losses result from a violation of the law governing the relations of 
broker and principal. This entire subject should receive imme- 
diate consideration at your hands, and all necessary modification 
of existing law for the protection of the investing public should be 
promptly made and all acts productive of such losses which are 
now merely a matter of civil liability, should be brought under 
the condemnation of the penal law. 



Trading Against Customehs' Orders. 

Legislation should be devised which will require of brokers 
the execution of orders given them so that, whether purchases 
or sales, they shall be purchases from or sales to independent 

persons, and so thai in no case shall a broker employed to buy 
for his customer be the seller on his own account, or as broker 
of some other principal of his own without disclosure of the 
fact. If there are eases in which, because of the peculiarity of 
the stock and the dealings in it, a purchase cannot be made ex- 
cepting through acquiring the stock of another principal of the 
broker, those exceptional cases should be defined with precision. 

It has been charged that there has been a practice on the part 
of some brokers of selling for their own account the same stocks 
that they have been ordered to buy for their customers contem- 
poraneously with the execution of the orders on behalf of their 
customers. Such transactions, of course, amount to a virtual 
bucketing by brokers of the orders of their customers. They 
come within the same principles that lead to the condemnation 
of bucket shops. They are obviously unjustifiable, and should 
be stringently forbidden by a (dear and explicit statute on the 
subject. 

Prohibiting Brokers from Doing Business Afteb Theib 
k x o w x i x sol v e x c y. 

One of the most widespread causes of complaint, and one of 
the most morally reprehensible practices, consists in a broker 
doing business after he ha- become actually insolvent, or knows 
or has reason to believe himself to be insolvent. Cases of great 
hardship upon the innocent investing public are due chiefly to 
the tact that the broker has received his customer's money when 
he knew he was insolvent. Banks are forbidden by law to receive 
deposits after their known insolvency. Brokers should be sub- 
jected to a like restriction. 

I. therefore, recommend an amendment to the law. with appro- 
priate penalties for its violation, forbidding a broker to receive 
securities, or cash, from his customers, excepting in liquidation of, 
or as security for, an existing account; or to make fresh pur- 
chases or sales for his own account, after he has become insolvent. 
The law should also contain a clear definition of insolvency within 
the meaning of the act. either analogous to the insolvency pro- 



visions of the National Bankruptcy Act, or otherwise clearly de- 
fining such insolvency. 

More Stringent Penal Provisions Affecting Bucket Shops. 

Under the law of New York as it is at present it is necessary 
to establish that both parties to an ostensible trade in securities 
intended that it should be settled by the mere payment of differ- 
ences and not by the actual delivery of property. It follows from 
this state of the law that the keeper of a bucket shop may escape 
the penalties now imposed by the law merely by proving that his 
customer was an innocent victim and not a consenting party to 
the illegal transaction. I believe the Penal Code should be 
amended so that it shall be necessary only to show that the 
bucket shop keeper intended that there should be no actual 
delivery of property. 

False Statements. 

One of the most widespread of public grievances in connection 
with the purchase of stocks arises from false or fraudulent pros- 
pectuses, statements, or advertisements regarding corporate se- 
curities. Under our law as it now exists it is difficult to bring 
to justice persons who, by means of false and fraudulent state- 
ments, advertisements and promises, deceive and wrong the in- 
vesting public. These deceiving practices have been attacked, 
under the Federal laws, forbidding the use of the mails for fraud- 
ulent purposes. 

I recommend amending the law of this State so as to make it a 
criminal offense to issue any statement, or publish any advertise- 
ment, as to the value of any stock, or other security, or as to the 
financial condition of any corporation, or company, issuing or 
about to issue stock or securities, where any promise or predic- 
tion contained in such statement, or advertisement, is known to 
be false or to be not fairly justified by existing conditions. 

Usury. 
The repealing of the exemption contained in the law of New 
York regarding interest upon call loans of $5,000 or over, secured 
by collateral, has been the subject of much discussion. It has 
been charged that (his exemption in the law regarding the rate of 
interest had facilitated over-speculation and stock gambling opera- 
tions. 



10 

But whether persona who borrow, or need to borrow, sums of 
money in amounts over $5,000, Becured by collateral, for the pur- 
pose of speculation or otherwise, should be forbidden to pay more 
than six per cent interest on their call Loans, thus secured, is a 
serious question which I commend to your careful consideration, 
and. after all the facts have been presented to you and the subject 
fully considered, should be deall with by such remedial legislation 
as shall be deemed wise and in the best interests of the public 
welfare. 

Relations Between Exchanges. 

Complainl has been made that the restrictions placed by certain 
exchanges on the right of their members to act for the members of 
other exchanges, or to belong to such exchanges, result in unfair 
discrimination and injustice. 

The existing rules and practices in this regard should be care- 
fully considered, and if these rules, in fact, or in their actual oper- 
ation, result in injustice, or in the curtailment of honest business, 
or in harm to the general investing public, then I recommend such 
remedial legislation as the facts require. 

Incorporation of Exchanges. 

It, has been urged that the law be amended so as to require the 
incorporation of these stock exchanges, to the end that the au- 
thority of the Stale over the transactions upon these exchanges 
and the acts of their governing bodies may be directly invoked. 
On the other hand, it has been argued with great cogency that the 
power of discipline possessed by the governing bodies of these 
exchanges over the conduct of their members, which can now be 
exercised in a summary manner, would be curtailed and frustrated 
by delays and technical obstacles which would greatly impair 
their just disciplinary powers, and lead to a lowering of their 
standards of business morality, to the ultimate detriment of the 
investing public. Whether, if appropriate legislation shall be 
framed and enacted into law dealing with the specific subjects 
above enumerated, the public will be adequately protected without 
the incorporation of these exchanges, is a question which I sub- 
mit for your serious consideration. 

Some of these reasons were clearly stated in the report of the 
Hughes' Committee, but no definite action was taken, and no 
effective legislation was suggested, the Committee stating sub- 
stantially : 



11 

" This Committee in refraining from advising the incor- 
poration of exchanges does so in the expectation that they 
will in the future take full advantage of the powers con- 
ferred by voluntary organization, and will be active in pre- 
venting wrongdoing, such as has occurred in the past. Then 
we believe there will be no serious criticism of the fact that 
they are not incorporated." 

The members of these exchanges must realize that many of the 
customs and rules now controlling them are antiquated and un- 
fitted for present-day purposes, and they should be desirous, 
in their own interest, of expeditiously adopting corrective 
measures that, when put into operation, will place the exchanges in 
harmony with the progressive spirit of the times. Every stock 
transaction should be above board. Corporations whose securities 
are bought and sold on these exchanges should be compelled to 
make regular audited reports. Publicity should be the watchword. 
The trouble with the exchanges so far as the investing public is 
concerned, is lack of confidence. It can only be restored by doing 
business straight and on the square and in the open. 

Let us go slow and not act hastily. Ill-considered legislation in 
regard to the purchase <and sale of stocks and bonds might result 
in serious harm to the financial supremacy of the State, have a 
tendency to drive capital away from New York, and might dis- 
organize the large operations of legitimate business now centered 
in this State, to the detriment of its citizens and the commonwealth 
generally. 

Great care should be taken, therefore, in the consideration and 
enactment of just laws which, if wisely drawn, will protect the 
investing public, promote publicity, safeguard the rights of the 
people, restore confidence, and facilitate our business prosperity, 
but which, if inconsiderately enacted, may result in a serious dis- 
organization of general business. 

WM. SULZER. 



MM no* „ S93o | *i.„ bf 

UI04J it, : . KniuI11 J 



°44 0» a piB Jai00i 




R 

a of all. If I am the 
but you may be the 
lzer. 

ut the prison and the road grafters. 

removed. It tells graphically the 
ved the Governor. 

■ clean politics and good government. 
I how he fought corruption in high 
:r twenty-five years for the people. 

the "Tammany Machine" and ex- 
"Boss" Tweed, 
ely printed on English-finish paper, 

dollar to The National Prohibition 

The book will give you a fund of 

IE NATIONAL PROHIBITION 

copy of this great book. You will 
!ch to carry on our fight against this 




aluable History of the 



$1.00 



r LEAGUE 
aper ought 
ire doing a 
Someone 
e in prohi- 
;nd to Un- 
re, making 
ier payable 
)HIBITION 
: thousands 
: into your 
some funds 
te, help us 
8 yours as 
me thing. 

iston Tran- 
ition in the 
bition issue 
e than the 
n policies." 



THE STAR OF HOPE ought to go into the 
homes of a million peop'e every month. Tens 
of thousands are receiving this issue. Let us 
send it to hundreds of thousands next month. 
Send us five dollars and we will mail out o 'e 
thousand < opies of this parer to that m«ny 
different names. Think of it; five dollars 
reaching «" audience of one thousand peop'e 
with a little paper like this full from first 
column to the last of the best and most heart- 
ening news and convincing arguments it is 
poisib'o to crowd into its pages. Be a booster 
and help. 



The Republican State Convention of Kansas 
has just declared for National Prohibition. 
Wnile we have seen no reference, editorially 
or otherwise, to the event in any prominent 
Republican newspaper outside the confines of 
the Sun Flower State, this may or may not 
indicate a -ertain laik of consuming interest 
in the development from the National Rrjjub- 
lic«Ja point of view. 



mating 
raising 
300.000 
formed 
ste the 
•e this 
'on be 



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all 

oattle- 

come 

>*or of 

t«3 Page 

■fit the 

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vhring 

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Nineteen states have state-wide pro- 
hibition and more than half of the 
population is under seme sort of pro- 
hibition law, yet the per capita con- 
sumption of liquor is on the increase— 
except during the last year which was 
a year of panic. That is your non- 
partisan prohibition; that is the re- 
sult when you vote prohibition on the 
people and then place in power politic- 
al parties unfriendly to the measure. 
Vote prohibition all you wish but also 
ry along with it political parties 
> in favor of enforcing the law. 



that ; 



Constitutional prohibition is non-ef- 
fective until the legislature or con- 
gress meet and pass laws lor its en- 
forcement. Write all the constitution- 
al amendments you wish and but little 
good will be accomplished if political 
parties unfriendly to the law are 
placed in power to enforce the law. 
You need not neglect the one but you 
should no! fail to do the other— put 
in power a prohibition party. 



A few more years of hard fighting 
and the last trench occupied by John 
Barleycorn will be taken. His first, 
line, the political parties, is being 
shattered already. Get in the fight. 



The political party that refuses to 
declare for prohibition this year i 
political party unfit for any decent 
man or woman to give it his or her 
vote. 



Thousands will receive a copy of 
this little paper. We want you to 
read it and ten show it to some other 
person and ask him to read it. Also 
send us a bunch of subscribers. 



An interesting bit of testimony 
comes from the section of Minnesota 
which recently became dry through 
what might be called an automatic 
application of prohibition to a region 
where no election was held to settle 



Ulo question, namely, the enroTSSfflBSIt 
of an old Indian treaty. Because of 
thiB action there Is not now an open 
saloon In Itasca county, and as 
result a marvelous reformation has 
taken place. One year ago ssventy 
nine tons of beer were shipped In, 
This year there was no beer, but the 
books show that seventy-nine tons 
more of groceries were consumed at 
this point than during the 
ing month of last year. The Minne- 
apolis Journal says that the records 
of the mining companies, which em- 
ploy the large population of foreign- 
ers, show fewer layoffs among the 
men than ever before and the stores 
report larger and more profitable busi- 
ness from these employees, 



Former Governor SuI/.t will make a whirl- 
wind campaign from one end of the country 
to the other. It will be a fight for blood and 
to a finish. It will be one of the most 
marknble and spectacular campaigns ever l 
in this country. W« know what we are talk. 
Ing about, William Sulzer ought to poll three 
million ifot i. Thin will not be enough J« 

elect htm, but it will e!uct Prohibition, by 
giving It such an impetus that nothing run 
sttip its triumph in 1920, 



Send us one dolla: 
advortl! A on last i 
book will be worth 






the great book 



tliis 



'II,. 



t. you send THE 
NATIONAL PROHIBITION LEAGUE a dol- 
lar as a sift and we will semi you the book 
as n gift. Do nythtng, seet 

In a crib "somewhere in America" there 
lies a ro*y-toed, crowing baby who will DC 
Pr.si.knt ..f a United Stales in which the 
saloon is n memory, the brewery a bad dream 
that is over 



A two-blHton dollar tire 1 Suppose we had 
a very much 
cheaper amusement to burn a '■ 
lar city annually than to tolerate the llQOor 
traffic. 

-blue 



prc». Bh 



WMMMMMMMi I 



HAMMMMMMMsVI 



DON'T MISS THIS SPLcNDID OPPORTUNITY 

BIGGEST BOOK BAR6AIN0F THE YEAR 



For all who help support the National - 
a special distribution of THE BOSS, or THE & t ,™° I ~i' ea f ue 



about the greatest political conspiracy in the 1 



are going to make 
jOVERNOR— the book that tells the truth 



stcry of America. 




'ERNOR 
THE GOV concern of all If ! am the 
"An injustice to one is the knows, but you may be the 
victim of injustice today, who ;Vm. Sulzer. 
victim of injustice tomorrow." — ^ . 

ells about the prison and the road grafters. 
It tells all about Boss Murphy. It t er ^j removed. It tells graphically the 
It tells the inside story of why Governor Suiz rs removed the Governor, 
story of the farcical trial, and how the grafts fight for clean politics and good government. 
It tells about Governor Sulzer's heroic lwSi an( j how he fought corruption in high 
It tells how he fought for honest and just 1; f or over twenty-five years for the people, 
places. It tells about his trials and triumphs mas hed the "Tammany Machine" and ex- 

The book tells all about the man that s time of "Boss" Tweed, 
posed the biggest bunch of grafters since the ia ndsomely printed on English-finish paper, 
You can get this great 456-page book, h„g one dollar to The National Prohibition 
with cartoons and illustrations, by contributii traffic. The book will give you a fund of 
League. The dollar will help fight the liquor 

important information. to THE NATIONAL PROHIBITION 

Send one dollar as a contribution y OU a copy of this great book. You will 
LEAGUE, Uniontown, Pa., and we will mail yjth w hich to carry on our fight against this 
treasure it highly and we need the dollar \ 

gigantic evil. A Valuable History of thejte^ f* f% 
A Book You Want to Read/te 4 f\f\ Times— J>1. 

—A Book You Will Keep— jp |,yy ' only ^fmww 




all tho* wh-l owe on their subscription 
THE NATIONAL PROHIBITION 

CI B would immediately 



could be done 

S..-nd purl of it at lei 



send in r 









. 



HIHITION LEAGUE 
THE NATIONAL PR^-ad this paper ought 
needs help. You who 'mis. We are doin« a 
to help it. We need fufets money, 
pre at work and it c© you believe i 
must fool "he bills. Dojl Then send 
bltlon, peace, pr osparlta ar or more, 
lontown, Pa., one -l^i 
jour check or poitoffV- ! 
to THE NATION " k * to »" e ,l 

LEAGUE, Would you r*r*r sent .r 
of copies of this little- • end u » ,om 



■ 

thoiunil aOPUH "f thi* p*r«-r to 
different nam-s. Think of it ; 

r.-—him' »■ 
with a li't'. 

... UUI of the b«-»t and 



county or st 
with which 



, of Kan*ai 
Nation*! Prohibition 



,ves it. He 1« today 
Ihe Prohibitionists and the Pro- 
the country. He will be the 



script to analyse the 

, various stairs rcport> 
, is interestinc U>e p 
1 tariff or preparedno 



hy the Boston Tran 

""The prohibition Is 

le far more than the in the 

* our foreign policies." t Uema p 



GOVERNOR SULZER THE MAN OF HE HOUR 



(By W. M. LIKINS.) 
"I have yet to meet a single person who 
believes, or even pretends to believe, that a 
single honest motive has animated the pro- 
ceedings of your antagonists." — Letter from 
Cofy Roosevelt to Governor Sulzer during the 
trial uf the latter for impeachment before the 
court of Murphy, Tammany's head. 

"1 refused to listen to the pretenders and 
to go forward with the work for decent citi- 
zenship and honest government, come weal or 
wot." — Letter of Governor Sulzer to Col. 
Roosevelt during the impeachment trial be- 
fore the oiirt of Murphy, Tammany's head. 

The Prohibitionists of these United States 
have greater responsibilities this year than 
have ever yet been their lot to possess, for 
one's responsibilities are generally measured 
by one's power, or opportunity to get power. 
In the past we who have been voting the 
Prohibition ticket, most of ub for many yearB, 
haven't had a thought of winning, that ia, 
of electing our ticket. We have lived and 
worked by faith, which 






But 






high n 
; alwayi 



ight. The 



In round numbers there is 
million voting Prohibitionists 
States. Not that many vote 1 
year, but counting thosi who 
tho election and those who 
political parties once in awhile, 



. k-att a quarter 



By thus reckonii 



forty-eight i 

light llkewlsi 



Clinton B. Fiske 
and for whom 272,000 

We Prohibitionists nt 
theae facts, 
proportion 



■d not be ashamed of 

nt dwindling of our 

need to do Is to 



of which, with 



opponeB. Hill, Demo< 



In Mr. Bth District by 11.000, 
" i Re- 



. i iei 






readerB 

i Mr. Sulzi |B 
uld forbid l'i 



:u'i,i li- 



ttle idea of the 
ust have 

from even mention- 
B to the botU'rniL'iif 
ini I'-diNC'ii while in 



of 1914 Dr. Welech, fa- 



an old-Mme Prohibitionist, was 

York. Dr. Welsch withdraw f 
ior the purpose ot" having Mr. 
at the heaa of the Pronibiiioi 
was already nominated by the j 



and others 



their ballots for 



clea 



Sulzer received 127,000 
and Prohibition tickets 
mpaign brought Mr. Su 
th iviany prominent pa 
He has always believed 



settled 

The fact is, Mr. Sulzer 
hlbltioniBt and brought 



all and sjiecial privileges 



Mr. Su' which beci 



the people ; the 



Among these let us c 
following: The elec 
Senators hy a direct 



resolution expressing aressing sympathy < 
ban Patriots ; one exp^tles for freedom : 
the Boers in their bator the Russian J' 
expressing sympathy f and secured the 
and he iilto introduceqongratulating the 
BUge of the resolution iStablishing the Chi 
pie of China in their e r 
Republic. ' TO _„ nn tne m09t 



portant committees of 
man of the Naval Con 
Committee on Foreign , 

thehir 



and the Houa 




of departmental deci- 



pT.qak o f avajl 
the PronTbuionist; 
Sheir presidential candidate, 
:ept if nominated? Yes, 
nan, and he will accept th 
At the top of this column i 



is" >l>o "liimiuir v 



William S 
tried by T. 
being governor of 
York, having been 



Col. Roosevelt wrote to Hon 

while the latter was being 

ly for impeachment, he then 

"a great state of New 

cted by a plurality of 

opponents. Mr. Roose- 



believe M 
; he did beli 
get rid of the 



■ 



ganizatlon. 

A Subservi 
The LegUlatu; 



lilty 
that Tammany 



foul-, 



the Republic 
In the eiejt 



Legislature, 
bowed before its god and 
margin voted to impeach 
st ot the Democrats voting 
ient, while a large majority of 
n members, and all tho Progres- 
votcd against bis Impeachment. 
n the next year when assembiy- 



preBide over the 
William Suize 
New York state, 
March IS, 1863. 
family of sever 

Lydia Sulzer, 



me who had been chosen to 
destinies of that great state. 

■, the forty-first governor of 
was born at Elizabeth, N. J., 
He is the second Bon of a 
children, five boys and two 



Btudent at Heidelberg University! 
patriot army In 18-18, and fought t 



prison, but i 



i his < 



He 



country in 1851 



He settled on a farm 

his eon William helped his father until' "he 
went to New York City to study law. 
In 188-1 William Sulzer was admitted to the 
opened a law office. 



His practice been 



apidly 






lucrative and he 



of 






attorneys in the Metropolis of the Na- 
came interested 
the Fourteenth 



In their deadly 



Assembly fou 



bee: 



. and fathered i 
conditions iren 



law 



this day. 

Always Championed Reform 1 

Among the measures he introduce 

passed we mlgnt mention the foil 






for 



irkin 
debt: 



dy Vindicated, 
in of Mr. Sulzer 
ady spok • of that foul 

details here, 



■ for i 



Sulzi 



rh liir 



; Tan 
The fact 



in-i-'i esentath 

dijii ere sent back to tl 
. tpi evidence to establii 
nt wlient. I love Mr. Su 



tho truth of this 4at 
zer because he waair 
whose motives are ah 

himself to hold this a 
more than one wour] 
simply because his »; 



charges thcm^.-lv.s 




the unsupport- 
him. Even the 
; trifles if they 
applying cam- 
It was far bet 



pocket,? votes. 
n to ha-every c 
h to hu; Refer 



arge Murphy 
head of thi 



Mr. Sulzer 
sense of jusl 



he chose rati 
affluence of 
promised hirr 



gift from Tan- 
sand dollars pe 

But all these hi 



Albany 
whole si 



1 could have r< 
i| if he had chi 
| obeying Murphy. But 

Murphy 
id dol 



of trouble betwt 



' circl t out to clean up th 
Yorli ideal rottenness, an 
ce se n wrong. The publi 



nd he had alreac 



icals ; the public 



• bowed to the beh. 



In New York it< 



trty and fight *.he 



That showed 






, and yet of great propor 
lltiee, and thoroughly or 
of New York. 

party Prohibi 



far ; 



I h.y - 



leader for tne dry forces tl 
id asKed him if ! 
take the Prohit 
President and h 
so. Since then, Prohibitionists all o 
nation have been writing Mr. Sulzer 
office, 115 Broadway, Now York, a 
loyal support and tellii 



PLATFORM OF AMERICAN PARTY 

The American party believes in the Father- 
hood of God ; the Brotherhood of Man ; the 
Sanctity of the Home; the Perpetuation of 
the Free Institutions of America; und de- 
mands the following essential reforms to fur- 
ther the progress of civilization : 

1. An honest and an efficient and an eco- 
nomical administration of public affairs; free 
from graft: and free from bossism— with 
equal rights 



for beverage 



apital and la- 
ibution of the 
work day ; one 



of public util- 



; equality of all 
arbor improve- 
.ation of deBert 



fruits of labo: 

tirely on the 
of our natun 
referendum a 



Lellir 



for 






Mr. Sulzi 



liilion votes. If added ■ 



ssibility of electing him, or 
least, of throwing the election into the H< 
of Representatives. 

Will We Call Mr. Sulzer to Lead Us? 

What will the Prohibitionists do with 

man? Will they elect I 



nted 



, himself 



I leave the matter with you. Wo hav 
ented the case of the friends of Mr. 
n the strongest light we know how, a: 
.re perfectly willing for the national c< 



nly 



but will 



idieve is to be the most memorab 
that has ever been carried on t 
;al party on the American cont 
,l2er and Victory" ought to beconr 
word of flvj million patriotic an 



liberty-loving American citizi 

"THE BOSS. OR THE GOVERNOR," ia 
great book. You want to read it. You wai 
to be informed as to the character of M 
Sulzer, and as to tho fight he is waging. Send 
a dollar as a contribution to THE NATION- 
AL PROHIBITION LEAGUE and we wil 
give you a copy of this book. When yoi 
have read it pass it to your neighbor and keep 

someone reading it every week. Order 






sin '_rk- I'r.'-iiii?iiti:il 



Presidsn 



preferential 

n of Preei- 

and Rep- 



C'in iress --together with their 
by ■ 
federal ju lias for 
of Congre 
succeeding the election of 

ghts befove property 
the dollar; simplicity 

al law procedure 



lecilon directly by the 
of Congress ■ 
hers thereof. 



and 






plicity and i 
' iw prow 






:ion of the 

i shops and 

-jentul decl- 

efficient parcels' 

banks ; 

' land banks and rural 

agricultural resources. 



free public schoolB 
from superstition .;_ant 



in 'ii icnlly, iiK-iii ally, economically and 



for the Prohl- 



of the liquor 



Some of you outrht to order a half dozen 
mies of "THE BOSS, OR THE GOVER- 
NOR," the hook that tells about the grafters. 



Then keep the si 
that many readers all tl 
until election. No greate: 
campaigning can be done. 



the hands of 



is a leader who leads. Wil- 
worker who works. William 



for the refon 



HELP THE NATIONAL PROHIBITION LEAGUE 

Desiring to further the movement for Nation-wide Prohibition I will pay 
for one year the sum indicated by my X mark per month, same to be paid 
quarterly. 

I 1 

$5.00 per mo. 

$3.00 per mo. 

J2.00 per mo. 



State Date. 

Amount paid now $ 



$1.00 per : 



.331,4 per mo. 
.25 per mo. 



t£» Insane ; abolishing corporal punishtr 



(All parties agreeing to help The National Prohibition League will be 
notified from time to time of whatever amount may be due and will also be 
sent for one year The Star of Hope, a national organ, published at Union- 
town, Pa., national headquarters. Be sure to write your name as plainly as 
you can, and, if a payment is made when subscription is given, indicate it 
in blank left for that purpose so there may b* credit given for same.) 



THE STAR OF EOPE 



MONTHLY. 
Published by the Nations 
League at Uniontown, Pa., abo 


P 


fSPS 




. U, 

L. 




i li Id i. lib .■ L. 


"•ICKETT 
a Year 


Or in Cluba as Follows: 



THE BOSS OR THE GOVERNOR 



OFFICERS -OF THE NATIONAL 
PROHIBITION LEAGUE. 
A. C. Powell. Presidei 



On the last paye of this paper la adver- 




tised a book, -THE BOSS. OR THE GOV- 
ERNOR," that, under the circumstances 


IS 


ought to be in every American home The 


for 


boik, of course, is a atory of the tragedy en- 
acted at Albany wftei Tammany impeached 
Governor Sulzer. the latter now being talked 
of as the Prohibition and American party 


tV7 



A MATTER OF BUSINESS 


WHA1 THE PROHIBITION PARTY 


t. —«.»l that no m o„ li„« 


HAS WON IN FIFTY YEARS 


:he New Y'fk Tribune states the case 


Address ly Robert H. Patton. Read at the 


dern busine-* against alcohol la re- 


Prohibition Coanty Conventions Through- 


bly effective wards: 


om Illinois on April 15, 1916. 


have discontinued alcoholic liqQor ad- 
n^ purely ai 1 a matter of bubincss pol- 


For forty-seven years the Prohibition party 
has withstood the political storms because It 




was built upon the solid rock of sound prln- 


v as each rM* P^aaet tb 




■ hoi is inco npattble with efficiency in 




ortatloVas wl/aBTn^a'rtistic^and Jro^ 


rise and fall ol many Independent parlies. 


ally imposes oaon himself a serious dis- 


lived and bid fair to outlive them all. 




candidate and 
mlBht. Thi« 

prohibition. 



MR, SULZER SETTLES IT 

ew Prohibitionists have- churned Mr. Sul- 






■ ■ : i ■ 



the sal 
What's wr< 



ies and the i 
The Prngret 



•■■ ■ ' " "" ■ >■ nil) li.' ,..,u.' f ,-,, r .. '" " " 

i V , w 

to»» the ticket ; give us Hanly on.' ; will advertised on th 



NATIONAL PROHIBITION 

ho read this could eas- 
never nii^ it. Ther 
opy of the great book 






fi>r j.-u.ers l-'ii-c <io|- 


fallacy. 








Inm-tiv.j copies to he 










ilk-rent Persons in your 






















logic .ii 




■ Prohibition party na- 





FLflstsf 


n. you nre right. Let ua 
ui let us not write that 
Jual the opposite to the 
n mi gull ab .ui nine-tenths 
els. and 1 move its inper- 


>.. o I.. I- , ■!.-, i.,d; we must 

i, iv« U . law a Ditrued and applied by ui 

■ i i ...1 federal Judges ni. 


plank in red Ink 
one you speak of 


. ri' :,.■'.'.',> uf i-uhllc officers 
mre desirable, be kept out 








With Governor S 


' 




vord. The bouM 
for the enemies h 

honesty and right 


11 

il ■- .i la a household 
inte him ; but we love him 

■ 


ZVt™:..' ,. blch Sae d 'tt« 




Mow many of > 
NATIONAL PRC 

wcr.ty-five. nfv ■ 
io ani then give 


u. will contribute to THE 
H1BITION 1 

ore ■ ' 

1. which to UI 

■ 

r one hunrin-d dollars and 

nk what B U i 1 


,-,.r I'r .lohii.. .o in m n,y of the states. He ia 
He is , 
teetotaler, and a Prohibitionist tbi 

■ 

Salser, nfi 

him how 
rith Mr Sulzrr, si our ch»m- 

r the good 

U country. 
campaign f»r Salter. Let joy 


J' the" pla B tform U 'o 


■ 

1 

rnor William 

latform he will sweep the 

war* for Govern 


Read ad on last pa^c - "THE BOSS, OU 
THE GOVERNOR." 



THE CAMPAIGN FOR 
PRESIDENT IS NOW ON 



OFFICIAL ORGAN OF THE NATIONAL PROHIBITION LEAGUE 



VOL. II 



UNIONTOWN, PA., MAY, 1916 



NO. 7 



The campnitm for a prohibition President 
Is now on, and the fight must not lae until 
victory in achieved. That victory for the 
right, victory for the home, victory for the 

,,.., ! ,-ll, \ ■■ ■ , i. :■ :,■■■. in; I ill-- 



Hqum 

thoughtful 



ufiii , 



When that 






no doubt be 
i good B politl 



UUCR] i.. I 



strong; r nun than Mr. Sulier. Tins cortaii 
ly goes as far as any man can possibly go. 
Thai are to have n great campaign thl 

CiKUTt'.s.iiiu'Ii, e.x-tiovernor': and powerful pt 

lions will be lined up on our aid 
This U to be a year in which mi! 

','. .'!',-„. '!-' Ik.nly of Indi 



anythinj I 
campaign '.' 



The Prohibition pi '.. Ihi Vr.^TTcsslve par- 
ty and the American party are getting to- 
gether i '!■• v most unite their for:es to win, 
I Hhnll have a campaign 






I parties sit i 
ick. To that « 









■f, b.ii 
unite .11 
■ i ■ 
platform. 

■ 

Di n i ■ ...■,, party is 

York ami n several other states 

" ■ ■ ■■"'1 t'.-n 

<■'■ It has ai 
' «il! poll two million 
itlsm, 1U em 
bkm Is the Liberty 1MI. i 



Pr.-Mbili.-t. 
mini norni- 



MR. SULZER BURNS BRIDGES BEHIND HIM 



April 12, 1916. 
Hon. Olin S. Bishop, 

Chairman of the Prohibition State Committee, 

Lafayette Building, 
Utica, New York 
My Dear Mr. B'shop: 

Your letter received. In reply you can say to those who doubt, what y 
know, that I am for the abolition of the manufacture, and 1 the sale, and the 
importation, and the transportation of alcoholic liquors for beverage pur- 
poses — State and National— by legislative enactment; or by constitutional 
amendment; or by both through the efforts of the Prohibition Party— and 
every other agency that will accomplish its consummation. 

Prohibition is a political issue that will not down. It will never he wet- 
tied until it is settled right. In the fight against John Barley 
continue to ring true. In the struggle to destroy the curse of 
I am going to the end of the road — regardless of personal consequen 
What man tan say more? 

It is gratifying, of course, to know that my efforts for the 
preciated by the true believers in the cause, and I would be l€ 
did not feel grateful to those heroic souls who now and Ihei 
name as a suitable standard bearer in the coming cam,pagn — but I want 
you. and all your friend?, to feel, as I feel, that I have no vanity in the matter 
save the success of the cause, and no ambition, personal or otherwise, oxcepl 
to serve where I best can serve to promote the greatest reform in America. 
If I am called io lead, because those competent to judge believe I am best 
■ •quipped to lead. I shall lead where any man will follow; and if. on the other 
hand. I am told to servfe in the ranks, I shall cont'nuo to serve in the ranks, 
and follow where any ian will lead. 

To sum it all up— [ am for the cause — first, last and all the time— that 
is all— and when ihe hour strikes to rtc< ::de who shall le^d I shall acqu 
in the judgment of those sele"led to decide— and whatever the del. 
may be, it will be satisfactory to me— and 
move onward and upward in the struggle I 
and the greater, and the grander day. 

Very sincerely yo 

llo Broadway, New York City. 



SULZER'S NOMINATION 



Mr. John H. Stoody. 

Akron, New York. 
Dear Sir— Wc are informed I 
the candidacy of Mr. Sulxer i 
boan i in hi ■ flghl m arc lining up to unit* 
the reform forces ol the country to make. In 
this campaign, a concerted movement forward 

Wc have cnnfully analysed the situation. 
We knov what we are talking about, and In 
view df the fact that Mr. Sulser [Killed 127,- 

[i the Prohl- 

tlcketa. 




•luTnnWTDTTih, 

REPUBLIC/IN PARTY 



(Editorial from Nation ,| Enquln 

platform is 

and political issue of the 
ized partnership bettv^en 
and national — and the traffic 

In a moment of crucial need its voice is 
hushed. In the midst of moral degeneracy, 
i oil tion, multiplying 



elected 
deal' I 



Charles G. SeifrlL 



Is all right. 



xisu illy i. 

ronauct In of lice lo> 

fishes, the tlesh- 



rd hn» carried Mlchhran and NY- 



This is i he party whose 



uminav-d the spoke i 






ury ties- uxr. 



I. a coudtyV 
:hi years aire, »r(d wit 

■ 

v nfty-three yc* _ 

■■ DSU ty _ . 
:. The Republic n party I 



«onle, liut lacks 1 



tions," the "liberty and en lighten n 

the honesty 

iu hand upon the oni 

B thi ' llvlni 



. Tectlvi 



urrt-rnlir It 

il this evil. 

i instrument 

>'■■ "-' i! "I this traf- 

h/llf. I cilllr, 



beloi 









it* ticket 



i tkk 
through whl< 

e in belonKink- to a party. In 

ith the Republican pnrty be- 

* I wish to iro. but now 
my *«y. The 
linn docs nol 

i. fact,' I 'can go with U 

b regret. It has honored 



it, 



I hi 



... ,-.. . i 



a title deed 1 






.., y,u „!,,, Mr. jujr, 

.-li.ul.l I.- Mir.- "f »" llr '■"'7. , , m_ o„, 

, ( i m lm] 

publli llf. lit- 

faithful un<l " 



Ith 



the vineyard 






nd I 



. -linv-ly -- 

, v yours, 
ALEXANDBU S. BACON. 
Nations! Chairman American Party. 
C7S Broadway. New York City. 

■■■"■■ 

WlfLIAMJJBRYAN 

Will Mr. ».P- ""i-" 1 ''" " W "" """" 

thl. „„, We .Io not *»w. tan ». .!■■ too, 

,„. Th,. »«U" »»' !>••• » 

I Mr . Bnr.n hlm-lf. Mr. «"»» 

h.. ».!„.. r "'• ""'" 

....,, Uimf. Mr. Bry.n 

m-i& «'rBr,°.vr; .. '»^u ; , 

r ,ucb circumstances 
-m.. Hryai'e nam* has been •"*"- 

" Ta « ". h. . hXt 



The sol* tic 



N-i en <. 






__ 



victory. 



uoa 3Hi slid mm 



r of m\* 



- 



akafciBi 

» mrr.j-z of 



Ib icii 



1 ben all 






tIGN rate: 







•b * 



- 



{ aip in XoBJidsuoD |Bopt|od jsaiBaiS 3q} jnoqB 
> 3HX JO 'SS09 3HX i° uonnqmsTp pnoads b 
jbuoubn »q} woddns dpq oqav j[B joj 

una xooa is399ia 

SIHl SSIIAI LNOQ 



tfctS 

aty amd aaoce 
JC of t * cearte 
I aead oa 

fmrai. ^ 

iacar ■-.% m H 



«rs for p 



- ■* - -- ' . 



- a _ 



Wreck «f the Xaine. 

-PEECH 

HON. WILLIAM STL ZEE. 

7 >" Z W IOBK, 

Lv the Horsr or Hepkesext .=_rr -? 
Friday. February 2|, 1911. 

_ ~--r H:-~= ">? -- .z ::--:" ^r :: :': i "-:".•? H: iff ^- :"-f "-"- : •;; 
--'. - i-i ;i-.ii -It: :-::t::-.:; :: : .. . 7 :-". - -_ i :; 

srr: t: -.::;-? : r :^ T .;:::- ::-.: fiT-u-ri : :^r - -t:lz_t_: :;: 
the fiscal year ecdui~ J«k 30. 1912. aid for otJser parpen — 

Mr. SITLZER said: 

Mr. Cn.-c3.itAX : This bin contains a provision appropriating 
az a::: :::--.". s:~ :: $?-:■ '■'•" :: nt'tr ttir — tk : : : - - 
the battleship Maine in Habana Harbor. Heretofore & : 
hare been appropriated for this purpose, and we are Informed 
the money carried in this bin for the purpose will complete the 
job and comply with the mandate of Congress. I hope this 
is bo, and that the work of raising the Maine will soon be 

In my opinion it is a matter of congratulation among an 
patriotic pc : at last the wreck of the ill-fated battle- 

ship Maine is to be raised. Thirtr- - ind More hare come 

and gone since the Maine was blown up in the harbor of 
Habana. That catastrophe made history, wrote a large page 
in our annals, and changed the map of the world. But the 
Maine was apparent . ifi B ttM and nothing was done ': 

-v.ment in all I s reck and bring 

home and bury, with naval honors, in Arlington Ceaseter; 
remains of the sixty-odd brave and gallant sailors entombed in 
that hnlk in the mock and slime of the harbor of Habana. 

Tite records in the Navy Department show that 231 men were 
killed when the Maine was blown op: that 1 re im- 

mediately recovered and buried in Key West. F'.a.: that later 
144 a - e recovered and buried in Habana: that these 

bovT.es were subsequently brought home and buried in the na- 
tions", at Arlington: that at least - never 
recovered or aooou: m entombed in the wreck 
of the Me.i-ie. Our dereliction in this ma - strange 
contra - arriotism. The work must go on. and 
every patriotic man in America wants it finished as soon as 
poss: 

There are three r - Bhoohl relax nv 

raise the wreck of the Mai- because the wrev % - 

a in the harbor of Habana a v. 
removed from the channel v the Maine must be raise*.'. 



to ascertain how she was destroyed, so thai the truth shall be 
blown beyond peradventure ; and, thirdly and mosl Important 

of all from a patriotic point of view, thai the remains of the 
Nation's dead now entombed in the hulk shall be recovered 
and brought home for burial with naval honors in Arlington 
( temetery. 

Public sentiment has demanded for years that the wreck of 
the Maine be raised; that the truth of her destruction be told; 
that the derelict be removed from the channels of navigation; 
that the bodies of these brave sailors who sacrificed their lives 
on the altar of I heir country be recovered ami decently Interred 
in the national cemetery. When this additional appropriation 
is .Mailable, we are assured by the Army engineers that the 
work will diligently proceed to a final and successful comple- 
tion; and to that end I favor appropriating this additional sum 
of money and trust no more funds will be required and no 
further delay tolerated. 

Mr. Chairman. I now send to the Clerk's desk and ask to 
have read in my time and as a part of my remarks several let- 
ters from Ma.i. John F. O'Rourke, the eminent engineer and the 
president of the O'Rourke Engineering Construction Co.. of New 
York, which will throw some light on the subject matter and 
show that if my suggestions had been followed in the first in- 
stance the work of raising the Maine would be finished ere this, 
and for a stun much less than now seems to be required by the 
Army engineers. 

The Clerk read as follows : 

O'Rourke Engineering Construction Co., 

Si5 Fifth Avenue, Sew York, July S6, 1910. 
Hon. William Sulzer, 

US Broadway, New York City. 

Dear Sir: I had an interview yesterday at the War Department in 
Washington with the Flon. Robert Shaw Oliver, Acting Secretary of 
War, at which I submitted to Secretary Oliver plans showing my method 
for raising the Maine, together with a letter explaining the method in 
detail, and a proposition under which the O'Rourke Enginering Construc- 
tion Co. would do the work. The following Is a copy of this letter, 
which is dated July 23 : 

" I had the honor of writing you on July 5 in regard to a plan I 
have devised for the raising and docking of the Maine, and also inclos- 
ing a letter from Hon. George W. Wickersham, Attorney General, kindly 
presenting my project and myself to your consideration. 

" I am now in a position to lay before you the manner in which my 
company is prepared to do this work, and discuss the question of ar- 
ranging for having the work done, should you decide to raise the ship 
at this time. 

" The method is as follows : 

" To construct on both sides of the ship and about 20 feet therefrom, 
two ordinary wharves on piles, sink pneumatic caissons between the 
wharves and tin- ship to a depth of about 10 feet below the bottom of 
the Maine, these caissons to have cables on them every 4 feet; the ca- 
bles opposite one another bcins: of different sizes; in one case a plow- 
Bteel cable of cbout 200 tons capacity, and in the other a small battling 
cable of perhaps r ; inch diameter. These cables are then carried down 
outside the caissons from their tops to and underneath the cutting 
edges, the ends being coiled In the air chambers before the sinking is 
begun. A small pipe is pushed through the bottom from one air cham- 
ber to the other, and through this pipe the ends of the small cables are 
passed to the opposite air chamber, after which the pipe is pulled into 
that air chamber over the ends of the cables, leaving the latter lying 
exposed in the mud. The ends of the big cables opposite these little 
ones arc then attached to the latter, which readily hauls them out 
from under the cutting edge, and under and around the Maine to the 
top of the opposite caisson. 

" In this manner cables are passed underneath the ship every 4 feet 
from the top of ore caisson to the top of the opposite caisson, the com- 

81832 D724 



bined strength of the cables being four times the weight of the battle- 
ship. 

" The air chambers are filled with sand, the wharves are carried 
over on top of the caissons, which are cut off to the proper level there- 
for, and then a strong framework is erected with double columns every 
4 feet. This structure would be about 30 feet in height, strongly braced 
and guyed, and fitted at the tops of the posts with a casting connect- 
ing the posts and braces, and providing a seat with a universal joint 
for a screw jack of at least 100 tons capacity. The screws of the 
jacks end in a head like that of an eye-bar, and the clamps which grip 
the cable are finished in two similar eye-bar heads, giving a connection 
with the screws by means of a 3J-inch pin, which is over 100 tons in 
strength. 

" When the framework is in place and the screw jacks are con- 
nected to the cables, a strong tension is taken in the cables with the 
jacks, and then water corresponding to the weight of the Maine is. 
pumped from the cofferdams of the caissons. By this means the caissons 
are prepared to receive the weight of the Maine without imposing any 
additional weight on the mud bottom upon which the caissons rest. I 
might say that the caissons are made sufficiently large and strong to 
still contain 50 per cent more weight of water 'than the ship weighs, 
so that there is a margin of about 3,000 tons of water which can be 
drawn upon should occasion require. When the caissons are thus pre- 
pared for receiving the weight, the connection between the mud and the 
bottom of the ship is broken by any one of several well-known methods, 
after which, by a proper manipulation of the screws, the vessel is first 
brought to an even keel and then made level fore and aft. 

"After the above work has been accomplished, the screws are gradu- 
ally slacked off in pairs, fleeted down to their fullest extent, recfamped 
on the cables, after which the tension is restored and other screws are 
fleeted downward in like manner until all the screws have been low- 
ered to their greatest extent, so that all of them are ready for a lift 
upward of about 10 feet. This part of the work is very safe and 
certain, because sufficient strength is provided to carry the Maine with 
one-half the cables and screws that are employed. The operation of 
fleeting the screws down and lifting the ship up is repeated again and 
again until the vessel is brought out of the water in the same con- 
dition in which she sank — that is, so far as any interference with her 
during these operations is concerned. 

"A platform above water under the ship is then constructed between 
the caissons and a dry dock of ample strength and extent affords every 
facility for examination and repairs. In some respects this dock is 
superior to the ordinary lifting dock, because wherever a supporting 
cable may be in the way it can be slacked off and moved to some other 
point, where it will perform its part in supporting the vessel just as well 
as where it belonged, instead of having fixed keel and bilge blocks to 
deal with. 

" It will be noticed that in the process described there are no chances 
taken with any attempt to introduce something involving experiment ; 
but, on the contrary, I have confined myself to things with which we 
have had great practical experience. The wharf building, the caisson 
sinking, the passing of pipes between air chambers, the raisin? of the 
cables underneath and around the ship, the construction of the lifting 
structure, and the fitting and operation of the screw jacks are all 
operations well understood, easily carried out, and independent of any 
questions of depth of mud or condition of the ship. The mud, however 
deep, does not complicate the question or add materially to the cost, and 
should there be obstructions at any point preventing the passage of the 
cable, tunneling to and removal of the obstruction is a simple matter. 
Damages to the ship, however great, would not prevent its being 
brought up intact because of the distribution of the weight and the 
flexibility, contiguity, as well as rigidity of the means employed. 

" The method, however, is entirely novel, and the uses made of all 
the well-known operations employed are new. 

" The plan of pumping water from the cofferdams of the caissons of 
a weight equivalent to that to be thereafter applied to them is* a way 
of conducting operations over a mud bottom possessing no dependable 
supporting power, and deriving from the water pressure under the bot- 
toms a support as efficient and reliable as solid rock. 

"The whole plan is one of great simplicity, and though it perhaps 
would be better appreciated by an engineer than a layman, it is easilv 
understood by everybody. 

"In sinking caissons alongside of large buildings supported on quick- 
sands the writer devised and patented a method of Conducting I be 
compressed air escaping from the air chamber up alongside the caisson 
81832—9724 



on the aide opposite the building, leaving the support of tho latter 

entirely undisturbed. B< ( the largest buildings In New York that 

are supported over spread foundations on quicksands have bad ca 
provided w iiii this hlgb cutting edge on the distant side of the caisson sunk 
alongside them without producing any Bettlemenl whatever, it is pro- 
posed i" use Hiis device on the caissons surrounding 1 1 > > - Maim-, bo chat 
the mud underneath the ship would remain undisturbed until the ship 
is carried "ii the cables. There arc numerous other Improvements in 
caisson work devised by the writer thai would also be employed, so that 
the work would be carried on with entire safety, certainty, and speed, 
and the results Boughl would be obtained without question in the same 
manner thai any other great engineering operation of the usual char- 
acter would be carried out. 

"In my letter to the Attorney General I stated that in disclosing 
tiiis method l would expect to be protected. In dealing with your de- 
partment 1 am satisfied that my rights will be as safe in your hands as 
if the patents now applied for had already been granted. 

■• It mighl appear at first that the appropriation made for this work 
Is inadequate tor the purpose, but I think that it is most likely that 
much of the Government's resources could be employed in addition to 
its money — tor instance, one of the repair ships now in southern waters 
could be utilized lor carrying the necessary plant and giving the re- 
quired power, while there is nothing more appropriate than that one 
of the regiments of the Army should man the jacks while they are 
lifting their dead comrades out of the water. A fair idea of the power 
to be employed is given by the fact that these jacks require approxi- 
mately 1,000 men. Should the Government care to thus utilize Its 
present facilities and concede certain things the actual cost in cash 
would not be very great. 

'• The O'Kourke F.ngineering Construction Co., of which I am the 
president, would undertake this work and agree to deliver the ship In 
the dock already described within a period to be agreed upon. The 
company at the present time is fully equipped with the necessary plant. 
and has an organization of men of great experience in this character 
of work, who would be set to work as fast as the supplies required could 
be procured. We would also bear in mind that this operation would be 
watched by the whole world, and that not only the credit of the com- 
pany but "of the country itself was involved in the successful comple- 
tion of this undertaking in a manner worthy of the occasion and in 
record time." 

After some discussion of the matter in which I explained my plans. 
Secretary Oliver gave the plans and letter to Oen. Bixby, who will refer 
them to a board of engineers which will be shortly appointed to con- 
sider the subject. 

During the interview Gen. Bixby showed me a copy of my letter to 
you of the 11th instant, in which I brought to your notice the fact that 
I had a method for raising the Maim- along lines with which I am fa- 
miliar, and concerning the efficiency, cost, and independence of local 
conditions, there is no question, so that If desired tho work of raising 
the ship and docking her for examination and repairs could be begun at 
once. 

Very truly, yours, John F. O'Rourke. 

O'Rodrke Engineering Constkcction Co., 

345 Fifth .\i< nut, Sew York, Aityust 30, 1910. 

Hon. William Rolzer, 

115 Broadway, Ace- York Cily. 

My Dear Sib : 1 have just returned from the interview 7 with President 
Taft at Beverly, which was arranged through your kindness. 

The President was most cordial, and gave me an opportunity to fully 
explain my plans and propositions to him and also to Mr. Meyer. Sec- 
retary of the Navy, who happened to be calling on the President at 
the time. Mr. Taft gave most careful attention to the plans, which 
showed in detail the manner in which the work was to he done, and 
atir a full discussion of the ways and means I made him the following 
nroposil ion : 

That the O'Kourke Engineering Construction Co. would agree to raise 
the Unini in the manner shown by the plans for a cost not to exceed 

S5 100 to the Government; any costs that might be incurred above 

that figure to be borne by the O'Kourke Co. Second, that we would 
consent to anv form of contract which would insure 1 . > the Government 
that we would onlv be pnid for the actual cost of the work, with no 
allowance for profit ThiVl. that no payment would be asked for until 
after the Maine had ben raised out of the water, properly docked for 
examination and disposal, as shown by the plans. 
818'i2— 9724 



The President seemed favorably impressed bv my plans and by the 
offer to do the work, and invited me to come to Washington for another 
conference on the 25th of next month, when he expected to be there 
for a few days. There was a question in his mind in regard to whether 
he was authorized by the bill and the Government regulations to maks 
such a contract, and told me that in the meantime he would read the 
bill himself, and also obtain from the Attorney General an opinion as to 
his powers in the matter. 

He also wired Gen. Bixby in my presence, directing him to have a 
report by the 25th of September from the board of engineers who 
were considering the raising of the Maine, in regard to the conditions 
which they found in Habana Harbor. 

I told him that my present information was sufficient to enable me 
to make a binding offer now, as the method which I was proposing to 
use was independent either of the character of the bottom or the con- 
dition of the Maine. 

Since seeing the President I have decided to go to Habana next week, 
and will ask Col. Black, chairman of the board, for permission to take 
part with them in their investigations. 

Very truly, yours, John F. O'Rourke. 

O'ROURKE ENGINEERING CONSTRUCTION CO., 

845 Fifth Avenue, New York, September 21, 1910. 
Hon. William Sulzer, 

115 Broadway, New York City. 

Dear Sir: I returned yesterday from Habana, where I spent all of 
tast week taking part in the borings and examinations which the Board 
or Engineers is now carrying on at the wreck of the Maine. I also 
talked with a number of people who were eyewitnesses of the explosion, 
so that I feel familiar with the conditions surrounding the loss of the 
ship and the nature of the bottom of the harbor where she now lies 

The first boring was made off the stern of the Maine, where the drill 
peached hard bottom at 105 feet below surface. There is 35 feet of water 
then 30 feet of mud of practically no consistency whatever, after which 
it gradually grows harder, until at 85 feet down it is quite hard, and 
at .lOo feet it is probably rock. The next boring was made off the bow, 
W vT el l e ™.c depth of water w as just the same, but it was found to be 
about 90 feet below the surface before any degree of hardness was 
found in the bottom, and hard bottom was encountered at 118 feet 
down. 

On Saturday morning, before sailing for home, I made a test, from 
the deck of the Government scow in the presence of the engineers, with 
my own hands, using a 1-inch pipe, which I readilv pushed down 55 
fee L , at which point I could lift the pipe up and down unaided, show- 
ing that at that depth the bottom is nothing but mud. As this is the 
point at which I would stop my proposed caissons, it was very grati- 
fying to find that the conditions were ideal for the method which I 
propose. 

It is most likely that very little difference will be found in anv of 
the future tests. It is quite possible that hard bottom may in some in- 
stances be found nearer the surface, but this would not alter the sit- 
uation any as regards the use of a cofferdam, which is being discussed 
because the governing factor in such a case is not the high points 
but the low points ; and a cofferdam that could be used there* with suc- 
cess would have to be a very strong structure resting on hard bottom 
and possessing sufficient stability in itself to resist the tendency of 
the water and mud to overturn it, unaided by interior bracing, as the 
latter is impracticable. The expense of this method would be enor- 
mous, the time required would be very great, and its subsequent removal 
would be much more of an undertaking than the raising of the ship 
itself is now. 

I have called the attention of the Board of Engineers to this fact and 
I trust they will not be led Into the adoption of anv cofferdam 
method; or if they are, that (hey will make adequate plans for doin"- 
the work so that the discrace of a failure may bo avoided. 

The relation of certain uninjured parts of the ship to high water 
was easily attained, and from the known dimensions, as given in the 
plans. I have been able to fix the position of the bottom of the ship as 
48 feet below water. This. I understand, is 5 or feet deeper than the 
ship was found to be sunk to at the time of the accident, and several 
men who work in boats around the harbor (old me thai she is sinkin" 
deeper year by year. The condition of the mud as described :ii 55 fee? 
below the surface would indicate this to lie true. Another evidence of 
I he continual sinking of the ship is plainly shown in a comparison of 
81832—9724 



tin- photographs made at the time of the accident and ones that I took 
mysrir lasi week. 

I am going to Washington nexl Monday to meel the President, as 
arranged a( Beverly, l hope to !><• able to place all these tacts before 
him, as they correspond exactly with the conditions assumed In my In 
terview \\ it h him last month and verily all that 1 said at that time. 
Very truly, yours, 

John F. O'Rourke. 

O'Roirke Engineering Construction Co., 

345 J- if tli Avenue, \eir York, September 29, 1910. 
Hon. William Sulzer, 

115 Broadway, New York City. 

Peak Sir : I returned last night from Washington, where I expected 
to see President Taft by appointment, but found that his engagements 
did not permit of receiving me. 

Had a couple of Interviews, however, with Attorney General Wicker- 
sham, to whom I explained the situation at Ilabana. particularly the 
character of the bottom surrounding the Maim . which I told him was 
so soft as to entirely preclude the idea of using a cofferdam. A Is.. 
made a sketch of the borings at the bow and stern of the Maine and 
showed him a sample of the material at 55 feet below the surface, which 
clearly indicates its light and unstable character. 

I waited about two hours at the White House before Secretary Norton 
told me that the President would be unable to see me, and that he had 
left the matter in the hands of the Attorney General and the Board of 
Engineers of the War Department. 

As the amount of the appropriation at present available for raising 
the Maine is $300,000, while waiting to see the President I prepared 
an offer, which I gave to Mr. Wickersham, who promised to show it to 
the President at luncheon, in which I proposed to build the temporary 
platforms, sink the caissons, and put all the cables in place under and 
around the ship, with the ends resting on the caissons on each side, for 
the lump sum of $290,000, it being understood that I would complete 
the remainder of the work and raise the Maine without waiting for a 
further appropriation, trusting to Congress to be paid later for doing 
the balance of the work. 

I stated that if allowed to go on within a reasonable time from now 
with the work that I would guarantee to raise the ship out of the water 
on February \'< next, the thirteenth anniversary of its sinking. This 
I could easily do, because the amount of work involved is no greater 
than I have often done under conditions less favorable, and besides, 
there is nothing experimental about anything that is involved. 

I stated, as a basis of future payments, that the remainder of the 
work, including the subsequent removal of platforms and caissons, would 
be done for the lump sum of $210,000. or, if preferred, for the net cost 
of materials and labor and prevailing rates for use of plant and equip 
ment, the vessel to be raised from the water and turned over to the War 
Department, as shown in the plans, ready for Inspection and for repairs 
or dismemberment as might be subsequently decided. 

I was a little disappointed at not seeing President Taft, as my un- 
derstanding with him on August 29 at Beverly was that a conference 
would be arranged between himself and the Attorney General, the Secre- 
tary of War. and the Army engineers, at which I was also to be present. 
The question of authority for making the contract would be settled In 
the meantime, and I had been looking forward to making an Immediate 
arrangement to raise the ship, according to some form of contract. 
which, as I have already told you, I left entirely to the President. 
Very truly, yours, 

John F. O'Rourke. 

O'Rourke Engineering Construction Co., 
Sio Fifth Avenue, WetC York, February 15, 1911. 
Hon. William Sulzer, 

House o} Representatives, Washington, n. C. 
My Dear Mi:. Sii.zkk : Apropos to the Maine, the New York Herald 
of September 26, 1010, the date on which I went to Washington to see 
the President, contained an interview with me in which I called atten- 
tion to the impracticable character of the proposition to use a cofferdam 
in connection with the raising of the wreck. it was BUCh a positive 

and unmistakable warning and so publicly given that the quoting of this 
in connection with the interview with Mr. Wickersham and the fatuous 
81832—9724 



report of the engineers of a few days later make strikingly significant 
my letter describing the Washington trip. 

The report of Gen. Bixby to the President, transmitting the report 
of the board of engineers and his, to me, preliminary estimate is just 
as silly as the plan he was indorsing, when you compare his promises 
with their performances. The work that they are doing at Habana 
now is of the simplest character, and the placing of steel sheet piling 
in such soft and comparatively uniform material is a most inexpensive 
operation when properly conducted. I imagine that they have involved 
themselves in all sorts of expense, keeping dredges on hand at a price 
of perhaps several hundred dollars per clay, when, if they knew their 
business, they would obtain them after they had completed their coffer- 
dam and were ready to put them into use. 

The possible interference of wreckage from the explosion or anything 
in the nature of sunken obstacles in the way of the sheet piling could 
be better removed by some grappling contrivance than by a dredge, and 
the same machinery which handles the steam hammer used for driving 
the piles could be just as useful in operating a grapple. 

I should be sorry not to see the appropriation they are looking for 
given them, because it would always be said that they failed for want 
of favorable congressional action, and if they are honest in thinking 
that they can do the work, as they are proposing to, it seems only 
fair, since the chance was accorded them, that they should be permitted 
to go on to the end. 

There is no doubt, however, that in view of your connection with 
this raising of the Maine and the position you have already taken with 
the President in the matter, that the reading of my letters and the 
claim on your part that you had procured for the President an oppor- 
tunity to have this work done under terms which did not admit of the 
loss of a dollar to the Government in the case of its failure and a 
saving of money to the Government in the case of its success, as well 
as the prompt execution of the work, should be strongly brought out. 

To-day is the thirteenth anniversary of the sinking of the Maine, and 
if I had had my way to-day would have witnessed the raising of that 
ship from out of the water. There is so little imagination or appeal 
to the national pride in the plan that has been adopted that one can 
hardly dream that men having the authority vested in that board would 
be so shortsighted and narrow-minded as to refuse to approve of a 
plan like mine of such startling novelty and absolute certainty in execu- 
tion. 

The very conditions surrounding the Maine, while piling up almost 
unsurmountable difficulties against the construction of a safe cofferdam, 
actually facilitated the ease and success of my method, and nothing is 
less reasonable or could be more insincere than the ground taken by 
the engineers that the lifting of the wreck in a flexible cradle of cables 
would so deform its present shape that one could not tell if there had 
been an external explosion. 

You might just as well claim that to take in your hand a battered 
tin can, that its weight upon your hand would cause the indentations 
to disappear, as to claim that a ship which is as strong in proportion to 
its weight as the tin can is in proportion to its weight, would likewise 
lose its indentations and have its shape changed by reason of resting 
upon a support as flexible and distributed over the whole area of the 
ship's bottom as the palm of your hand would he beneath the tin can 
which I am using as an illustration. This talk about the forward part 
of the ship beini; so thoroughly destroyed is without reason, because 
eyewitnesses, and even the testimony taken by the board of naval 
officers at the time of the disaster, shows that she remained afloat too 
long after the explosion to have been in any such condition. For the 
reduction of the forward third of the ship to a semidetached mass of 
wreckage, incapable of excluding water from within, would simply mean 
that that part of the ship was a dead weight, which would have' pulled 
her down head first, like a dog with a stone tied to his neck, but even 
if it were true that the forward third of the ship is in this condition 
my cradle method would have brought it up without the bending of a 
single plate or the dislocation of any of its parts from the position they 
now occupy with relation to the rest of the ship. 

As you may recall, my final proposition Included the placing of cables 
every 2 feet apart, and the application of power independently to 
each cable, so that if it wore found that any one cable was yielding to 
tension at a greater rate than its neighbors, that cable could have the 
tension applied to It reduced so as not to come up any faster than the 
others, and the strength of the cables were such that not more than 
one In every three need be strained at all, and those which were, were 
fully competent to do all the lifting required. Moreover, I put no 
81832—9724 



8 

limit on the number of cablet thai would be used. If desired; so that, 
even if they criticised my cable every 2 feet, 1 could pat them much 
more frequently uud arrange them iu any manner that circumstances 
should require. 

I do ii < » t know whether I have nlrendy informed you that I applied 
f.>r a patent Involving the principles devised (or this work, bat Bucb 
wis done, and the claims, In themselves most basic in nature, were 
allowed by the Patent Office without reference to any existing patent, 
publication, or known state of the art, whlcb is perhaps the most 
striking testimony possible as to their originality, novelty, and Invention. 

As regards the granting Of the appropriation, I sincerely trust tliis 

will be done, but at the same time I think the engineers should he 
required to give In detail t he manner In wblcb the lirst appropriation 
has been expended, and I think you will find that what I have s.-iid 
about useless dredges retained at great cost and other forms of mis- 
management due to inexperience will be disclosed. 

Most sincerely, yours, JOHN V. U'Uuluke. 

81832— 1)724 

o 



>peech of 
Acceptance 




Ion. William Sulzer 

DEMOCRATIC CANDIDATE 
FOR GOVERNOR 

DELIVERED IN THE NATIONAL 
DEMOCRATIC CLUB, OF NEW 
YORK CITY, ON THE OCCASION 
OF HIS NOTIFICATION, THURS- 
DAY NIGHT, OCTOBER 10, 1912. 



Mr. Sulzer spoke as follows : 

Gentlemen — The nomination for Governor by the 
Democrats of New York is an honor deeply appreciated 
and the responsibilities entailed are fully realized. " I 
thank the delegates to the Syracuse convention, and 
through them all the Democrats of the Empire State, 
whom they represented in that memorable gathering. 
With gratitude to all I accept the nomination — and 
gratitude with me is "the fairest flower that sheds its 
perfume in the human heart." 

It is gratifying to me to know that my nomination 
for Governor comes from a free and an unfettered 
convention of independent delegates, elected according 
to law by the people, and that it has united and har- 
monized the Democratic party from one end of the 
State to the other. 

We are all together now, fighting for great funda- 
mental principles — in the interests of all the people. 
With our faces to the rising sun of Democratic oppor- 
tunity, under the leadership of our national standard- 
bearer, the gifted Governor of New Jersey, the Honor- 
able Woodrow Wilson, we are marching on to trium- 
phant victory. 

Platform Meets Approval. 

The progressive platform, ably written and unan- 
imously adopted by the delegates to the Syracuse con- 
vention, has been carefully studied and meets with my 
sincere approval. If I am elected Governor I shall do 
everything in my power to faithfully carry out every 
promise made by my party in that enunciation. 

An ounce of performance is worth a ton of promise. 
In the future, as in the past, I shall promise little, 
but try to the best of my ability to perform much, and 
I submit as a surety of this my record at Albany and 
in Washington as the best guarantee for the sincerity 
of my words. 

To me Democracy is a part of my existence. I use 
the term in its best and its broadest sense. I am a 
Democrat through and through, a progressive Demo- 
crat, and an organization Democratic, if you will. I 
believe that through the agency of organization and 
systematic effort the greatest good for the greatest 
number can best be accomplished. In union there is 
strength, and if I am elected Governor I want to rely 
on the aid and the counsel of all good citizens and a 
united party to accomplish the reforms now demanded 
by the people. 

It is, of course, imposible for me in this speech of 
acceptance, which I desire to make as brief as possible, 
to go into details regarding many matters of public 
moment and discuss them as fully as I should like to 
do. During the campaign, however, I shall no doubt 
speak to the people on many matters of interest which 
time now prevents. I want to take the people into my 
confidence, as I want them to take me into their confi- 



industry and intelligence and patriotism; they promote 
social intercourse, prevent intellectual stagnation, and 
increase the happiness and prosperity of our producing 
masses; they contribute to the glory of the city and 
the country, give employment to our idle workmen, 
distribute the necessaries of life — the products of the 
fields and the forests and the factories — encourage 
energy and husbandry, inculcate love for our scenic 
wonders and make mankind better and broader and 
greater and happier. 

The Truths of History. 

The plain people are familiar with the truths of 
history. They know the past. They realize that often 
the difference between good roads and bad rfeads is 
the difference between profit and loss. Good roads 
have a money value far beyond the ordinary concep- 
tion. Bad roads constitute our greatest drawback to 
internal development and material progress. Good 
roads mean prosperous farmers; bad roads mean aban- 
doned farms, sparsely settled country districts, and 
congested populated cities, where the poor are des- 
tined to become poorer. 

Good roads mean more cultivated farms and cheaper 
food products for the toilers in the cities; bad roads 
mean poor transportation, lack of communication, high 
prices for the necessaries of life, the loss of untold 
millions of wealth, and idle workmen seeking employ- 
ment. Good roads will help those who cultivate the 
soil and feed the multitudes, and whatever aids the 
farmers will increase our wealth and benefit all the 
people. We cannot destroy our farms without final 
decay. 

If the people send me to Albany I shall do what I 
can to reduce the high cost of living, and make life 
less a struggle for existence. For more than ten years 
the increasing cost of living, mounting higher and 
higher each succeeding year, has been the most im- 
mediate, the most pressing and the most universally 
observed fact about economic conditions in this coun- 
try. During all this period, while wages have re- 
mained practically the same and the cost of the neces- 
saries of life have grown more and more oppressive, 
the promise has been held out by the Republicans that 
when they got around to tariff revision something 
would be done to remedy these inequitable conditions. 
But what was the result? The mockery of the Payne- 
Aldrich law — making matters worse instead of better. 

Promises Proved Empty. 

Ever since 1896 the average man has been gradually 
losing his hold on the means of physical existence. 
The political party in power all this time cannot escape 
responsibility for these conditions. The people no 
longer trust Republican promises. They no longer 
blindly believe in the efficiency of Republican policies. 



The systematic overcapitalization of all kinds of enter- 
prises; the consolidation of management and the cen- 
tralization of ownership ; the fixity of the wages of 
toil; the advancing of prices, in too many cases out 
of all reason, of the necessaries oi life — all these 
things have caused a widespread distrust of Republican 
doctrines and the philanthropic assertions of the bene- 
ficiaries of Republican protection. 

A continuance of these evils is a menace to our 
civilization. It is the duty of Democracy to remedy 
them* and the Democratic party, with the motto of 
equal rights to all and special privileges to none writ- 
ten across its banner, welcomes the opportunity. 

As a Democrat imbued with the principles of Jeffer- 
son I believe in justice to all. I am opposed to special 
privilege. If I am anything I am an individualist, and 
I believe in keeping the door of opportunity open for 
every man in all this broad land. That is my democ- 
racy, and it is true Democracy, and I use the word 
" democracy " not in its political but in its generic 
sense. 

Believes in Fair Play. 

There is nothing narrow-minded about my view of 
political questions. I believe in fair play to all. I am 
opposed to anything that will estrange employer and 
employee or cause a breach between capital and labor, 
and I am a friend of both. I want to give each an 
equal chance. 

I believe I voice the sentiments of the working people 
when I say that all labor wants is a fair show, an equal 
chance and a square deal. Labor is indefatigable and 
unselfish. It does not ask for more than its just right. 
We hear much about equality before the law. That is 
all the workingmen want. They seek no special privi- 
lege and they want none. 

Labor makes no war on vested rights. It does not 
rail at honestly acquired wealth. It is not antagonistic 
to legitimate capital. It would close no door of op- 
portunity. It would darken no star of hope. It strikes 
no blow to paralyze ambition. It stands for equality 
before the law and for concord and peace. 

My record of hard work for nearly a quarter of a 
century in the vineyard of the people proves, if it proves 
anything, that no man in all our land stands more 
squarely than I do for personal liberty, for home rule 
and for the reserved rights of the State. I believe in 
the dignity and the rights of American citizenship, 
native and naturalized — at home and abroad — and I 
commended the patriotism of the Democratic members 
of the House of Representatives, which compelled the 
termination of the Russian treaty of 1832, and pledge 
myself to do all in my power in the future to preserve 
the sacred rights of American citizenship ; and I declare 
that no treaty should ever receive the sanction of our 
government which does not affirmatively recognize the 
unquestionable equality of all of "our citizens, irrespec- 



tive of their religious beliefs, or, of the race or na- 
tionality of their origin, and which does not expressly 
guarantee the fundamental right of expatriation. 

Proud of Being " Commoner." 

Our platform is explicit regarding the civil service. 
I am a firm believer in the merit system. The pages 
of the Congressional Record sustain me in this con- 
nection against adverse criticism. How I voted and 
what I have done are known. I appeal to that record 
for my justification, and affirm that if I am elected 
there will be no step backward in civil service reform, 
and the integrity and efficiency of the merit system 
will be promoted. 

They say I am a commoner. I am proud of that. 
I come from the farm and from humble surround- 
. ings. All that I am and all that I hope to be I owe 
to a good mother and an honest father. I have toiled 
up step by step from the bottom, from poverty and 
obscurity, and my career illustrates again the hope of 
the Republic, and demonstrates anew that the door of 
opportunity is still open to the humblest boy in all our 
land. 

The plain people know me and they know what I 
have done. They know I can be trusted. They have 
seldom been deceived by one of their own. 

It is said I am a simple man — of little vanity and 
less prejudice. That is true. The only prejudice I have 
is against intrenched wrongs, to remedy which I have 
struggled all my life. If I go to Albany I shall try 
to follow in the footsteps of Silas Wright in the 
honesty and simplicity of genuine Democratic adminis- 
tration, and endeavor to emulate the example of Sam- 
uel J. Tilden for progressive reforms along construc- 
tive and constitutional lines. 

Knows New York's Needs. 

My nomination for Governor came to me because for 
long years I worked for my party, and through my own 
exertions I earned the good will of the Democrats of 
my State by deeds done and works accomplished. I 
am no novice. I know the needs of New York. I am 
the candidate of a united party and an unshackled con- 
vention. I went to the convention, not as a candidate, 
but to fight for a principle — the principle of an open 
convention, a fair field, and no favor. 

I will go into office, if elected, without a promise 
except my promise to all the people to serve them 
faithfully to the best of my ability. I am free, without 
entanglements, and shall remain free. If elected I 
will be the Governor of the people and the Executive 
Office will be in the Capitol. When I take the oath of 
Governor, I shall enforce the laws fearlessly and 
honestly and impartially — wfth malice toward none. 
William Sulzer never had a boss, and his only master 
is himself. 



Aid for the Farmers. 

Agricultural education, now in its infancy, must be 
fostered until agriculture is taught not only in a few 
colleges in the State, but in every higjh school in our 
commonwealth. Our game laws should be strength- 
ened to prevent thoughtless hunters from trespassing 
on farms during the game season unless freedom to 
hunt has been granted. Each year thousands of com- 
plaints are heard about the abuse of hunters who tres- 
pass and shoot game without permission of the owners, 
and often much damage is done to poultry and other 
farm stock. 

The farmer's interest must be promoted in the matter 
of good roads. The State fair must be made an agri- 
cultural, an educational and an industrial exposition 
and State institution commissioned by men in sympathy 
with its interests and capable of directing this great en- 
terprise in all its channels. The State Agricultural 
Society, which has become such a splendid clearing 
house of agricultural thought, direction and publicity, 
should be encouraged to greater activity. 

Our Department of Agriculture, one of the most use- 
ful administrative branches of the State government, 
must never be allowed to become partisan in character, 
but held strictly to the line of agricultural promotion. 
If I am the Governor I desire to say that whatever 
is within my power I shall do to sustain, to promote 
and to 'upbuild the agricultural resources of the Em- 
pire State. I will work heartily with representatives, 
as well as the rank and file of farmers, to make the 
next two years the most prosperous that this State 
has ever known. When the farmer is prosperous the 
State will flourish. 

Good Roads and Waterways. 

Good roads, the continued conservation of human 
life, of our natural resources and the constant improve- 
ment of our waterways appeal to me now as they have 
in the past, and will have my earnest support and con- 
stant attention. 

We know that good roads, like good streets, make 
habitation along them most desirable; they enhance the 
value of farm lands, facilitate transportation, and add 
untold wealth to the producers and consumers of the 
country; they are milestones marking the advance of 
civilization; they economize time, give labor a lift, and 
make millions in money ; they save wear and tear 
and worry and waste; they beautify the country — bring 
it in touch with the city; they aid the social and re- 
ligious and educational and the industrial progress of 
the people; they make better homes and happier fire- 
sides; they are the avenues of trade, the highways of 
commerce, the mail routes of information and the 
agencies of speedy communication; they mean the 
economical transportation of marketable products — the 
maximum burden at the minimum cost; they are the 
ligaments that bind the country together in thrift and 



dence. I trust the people and they trust me. We un- 
derstand each other, and we must work together for 
the general welfare. 

Pledges to the People. 

If elected Governor I shall to the best of my ability 
endeavor to give the people of the State an honest, an 
economical and a business-like administration of public 
affairs. I say business-like advisedly, because I assure 
the business men in every part of our State that they 
can rely on me in all seasons, and at all times, to do 
my utmost to promote the business and the commer- 
cial interests of our commonwealth. I realize how im- 
portant they are, and shall ever be exceedingly care- 
ful to take no step to jeopardize the financial and the 
commercial supremacy of the first State in the Union. 

Suffice it to say that I am a friend of every honest 
business, whether big or little, and will always have 
its welfare in view in the administration of State af- 
fairs. To this end I shall work unceasingly for quicker 
and better transportation agencies, and for improved 
and larger terminal facilities, in order that New York 
shall continue to receive her just share of the trade 
and commerce of our country. 

•Is a Friend of the Navy. 

I am now, and always have been, a friend of the 
Navy, and I believe in the restoration of the supremacy 
of the Flag of the United States upon the merchant 
shipping of the world and the proper protection to 
owners and users of vessels built in this country, and 
shall continue to urge speedy action in favor of the 
establishment and maintenance of an American Mer- 
chant Marine. 

Ever before us must be kept the needs of agricul- 
ture. I' grew to manhood on a farm. I know farm 
life, and my sympathy is with the toilers. What the 
farmer produces is real wealth. To-day, when con- 
sumption has caught up with production, it behooves 
us to give attention and every kind of encouragement 
to the land. Those of the cities who would return to 
farms must be encouraged, those of the farms must 
be aided to greater effort and larger profit. 

To this end legislation that will secure greater pro- 
duction should be promoted. Let our people be pro- 
vided with constructive legislation that will enable 
farmers to co-operate among themselves, so that farm- 
ers and city people can have the closest possible inter- 
course, and the products of the farm may be moved 
to the kitchens of customers with the least possible 
friction, at the smallest expense, and in the shortest 
time. We should help our farmers to secure the ad- 
vantages of long loans at reasonable interest rates. 
The parcels post legislation just started should be fur- 
ther extended so as to include an express post in order 
to make still freer the exchange between country and 
city. 

?, 



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I do not 
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was done, 
allowed by 
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81832- 



Thosc who know me best know that 1 stand lirmly 
for certain fundamental principles — for personal liberty ; 
for religious freedom; for constitutional government] 
for equality before the law; for equal rights to all and 
special privileges to none; and for unshackled oppor- 
tunity as the beacon light of individual hope and the 
best guarantee for the perpetuity of our free institu- 
tions. 

He Is an Optimist. 

I have no race or religious prejudices. I am charitable 
in all my views. I am an optimist. I have sympathy 
for all and know that good works constitute the most 
enduring monument. I believe in my fellow-men, in 
the good of society generally, and I know that the world 
is growing better. I believe in the old integrities, in 
the new humanities, and declare with Burns — " A man's 
a man for a' that." 

The people have no fears for Democracy. The Demo- 
cratic party will never die until the pillars of the Re- 
public totter and crumble and liberty is no more. Its 
future is as secure as its past is glorious, and its ulti- 
mate success in the struggle for equal rights to all will 
be the crowning triumph of the progress of the race 
and the brightest page in the annals of human destiny. 

In conclusion let me reiterate what I have often said 
before — I am a Democrat, unafraid, free, progressive 
and independent ; and I have the courage of my con- 
victions. I know my duty and dare do it regardless of 
consequences. The past is secure, my face is to the 
future. My motto is onward with hope — forward with- 
out fear. 



• 

m 



Vote in the Circle 
Under the Star. 



Editorial in The New York Call, Monday, October 20, 1913. 

The Truth About William Sulzer 

William Sulzer, impeached and expelled from the office n r 
Governor returns to private life, and the kept newspapers that 
from the beginning have helped in all ways to drag him dm™ 
lell us that he is disgraced. uuwn, 

I do not see how. 

Admit all you please about the weak and foolish acts of this 
man, and still to the impartial mind capable of independent 
judgment, these pivotal facts will remain: 

1. He was impeached chiefly for acts committed when he 
was not Governor. 

2. The things charged against him, however erratic or sillv 
were not things that deserved impeachment. 

3 He was plainly the victim, not of Murphy and Tammany 
Hall, but of the Invisible Government which he had offended 
Mr. Ryan sent his own son to testify against him and to go out 
of the normal way of a witness to say bitter and injurious things 
against the man whose political death had been decreed. 

4. The New York newspapers, whose controlling influence is 
now no secret to any man that cares to inquire about it, treated 
him with deliberate unfairness and plainlv strove in every way 
to create prejudice against him. 

5. There is not one politician in public life against whom 
charges cannot be brought similar to those that were used to 
wreck Governor Sulzer. The consequence, then, is as plain as 
day. From this time forth men in public office will understand 
that at any revolt against the Powers that be, Sulzer 's fate 
may be theirs. 

The total effect is to strengthen beyond any possible precedent 
the malign influences that concentrated wealth exerts over our 
affairs. 

The whole inside of this case is unmistakable 1o anyone ac- 
customed to more than surface observation. / 

Sulzer was a politician and played the politician's usual game 
in the usual way. But at the same time h^liad always a sincere 
sympathy with the people, and within/ms limitations of habit 
and vision, a sincere desire to serve them. 

I know that, because 1 saw mucJ?f*of his work in Washington. 
I hardly need to say that about/many things we fundamentally 
disagreed. But it at least -affas true that throughout all his 
Washington service no map/ever went to him with any proposal 
on the side of the peopne against privilege without finding a 
sympathetic listener, -nor without getting all the help that this 
man, within, t Vfe limitations of his position, could possibly afford. 

So far. as lie could see his way, he was with the working class, 
and not for political advantage, but from his natural sympathies. 

Bvery other unbiased observer in Washington knew that as 
well as I, and will say so. 

Very likely lie had more heart than head. I don't know. 
""Tint 1 do know that the- fault is -so-nnusnal among public men- 
that to my mind it amounts to a virtue. 

Nobody ever alleged it against Mr. Ryan. 

To many a good cause he gave his support ungrudgingly 
and without a chance of any return. He had a capacity for 
genuine feeling about injustice. Long before he began his suc- 
cessful campaign against the Russian treaty, he told me pri- 
vately his convictions about Russia gathered from his own 
readings and observations. He took up the cause of the under- 
paid women teachers of New York when to do so could mean 
no possible advantage to him. He stood out long ago for 
woman suffrage, when to advocate it insured only an avalanche 
of ridicule. 

When he was elected Governor, it was as a politician, playing 
the game. In the office he got a good inside view of the per- 
fectly rotten condition of government as it really is, and in his 
own way and within the limitations of his vision he tried to 
combat the evils he saw around him. 

Sav that he thought he saw in the situation a chance to fur- 
ther his own ambition. I don't know and I don't care. I 
have no time to quarrel with the motives of men that are moved 
to give battle to Privilege. It is enough to find one that will 
do it for any motive, and they are rare enough at that. 

Sulzer gathered some idea of the Hock of cormorants that for 
years and years have settled upon State contracts, State insti- 
tutions and State work. He started to drive them from their 
roosts and aroused their fierce and undying hatred. Back of 
these creatures and their preying were some of the most power- 
ful Interests in the State. In revenge they determined to 
achieve his political ruin. 

At the same time he revolted against Wall Street and the In- 
visible Government. Then the supreme power in our affairs 
sentenced him to extinction and set its retainers to work to 
thai end. 

Some of the newspapers pretend to be astonished that in the 
midst of his misfortunes he seems to be uncrushed and retains 
a cheerful and unruffled demeanor. 

Why should he not? 

It may be painful to be sacrificed to the Controlling Interest, 
but it is no disgrace. William Sulzer is not the first man they 
have pulled down, and will not be the last. 

The mark of their disapproval is no sign of disgrace; it is a 
badge of honor. 

Knowing what I know about them and their ways and their 
purposes, the fan thai they have slaughtered (his man atones 

No man can possibly be disgraced or unworthy of respect if 
he has managed to earn their enmity. 

No man can possibly be very bad if he has been good enough 
to secure the condemnation of the fihhv kept press of New York. 

And finally any man thai knows ihinii- .i- the) are in New 
York Stale and New York Citv would rather I..- William Sulzer, 
thrown out of office by the Gas House Gang of Wall Street, 
than spend one hour in the Governor's chair as the valet and 
lackey of Thomas Fortune Ryan. 

CHARLES EDWARD RUSSELL. 



'U.v. 



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SI. 



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Ml 



Speech, in part, of Governor Sulzer, at the Banquet 
- given by The National Democratic Club, at the 
Waldorf Astoria Hotel, New York City, Satur- 
day night, April 12, 1913, to celebrate the birth- 
day of Thomas Jefferson. 



Mr. Sulzer said in part : 

" It is a pleasure for me to be one of the guests 
to-night of The National Democratic Club. I con- 
gratulate its members on keeping alive the mem- 
ory of the author of the Declaration of Independ- 
ence and the founder of true democracy. 

JEFFERSON'S BIRTHDAY. 

" It is proper and patriotic that the birthday of 
Jefferson should be celebrated in all lands and in 
all climes by the lovers of liberty and the friends 
of freedom. The principles of Jefferson have been 
on trial for a century, and are more secure and 
more popular to-day in the hearts of humanity 
than ever before. 

JEFFERSON A MAN OF ALL TIME. 

" Jefferson was not of an age, but a man of all 
time. I know of few men of whom this can be more 
truthfully said than of the third President of the 
Union — a man of such marvellous intellectual 
power and creative force that he will be a leader 
of generations yet unborn. 

" He lived at a time when agitation and conflict 
tended to develop the highest powers of mankind, 



but the work that lie did for the people in those 
days of storm and stress, redounds to our ad- 
vantage to-day, and exemplifies the eternal truths 
which lie at the very foundation of popular gov- 
ernment and tend to promote and preserve human 
Liberty. 

AHEAD OF HIS TIME. 

" The man who wrote the Statutes in Virginia 
for religious freedom, and who penned the verities 
in the Declaration of Independence, was a century 
ahead of his time. " He was one of the greatest 
apostles of human liberty in all the annals of 
history. We are just catching up with his love of 
freedom, with his progressive principles, and with 
the spirit and the wisdom of his political philos- 
ophy. 

HIS PRINCIPLES ETERNAL. 

" Thomas Jefferson lives. His example en- 
dures. His principles are eternal. As the years 
come and go the heroic form of the Sage of Monti- 
cello looms larger and larger on the horizon of 
man. For centuries yet to come this simple man 
of the people will wield a mighty influence on the 
destinies of the human race. 

THE EMPIRE STATE. 

" It is gratifying, in a personal way, that 1 am 
asked to respond to the toast of The Empire State 
— conceded to be the first and the greatest State 
in the Dnion. Tt 1ms a Larger population now than 
the entire country had during the administration 
of Jefferson, and its diversified interests are a 
thousand times more extended and complicated 
than the interests of the Republic a century ago. 



3 



AT THE HEAD OF THE COLUMN. 

" New York State moves on at the head of the 
column, and keeps pace with the march of the 
Union. To-day it possesses more than a twelfth 
part of all the wealth of the United States, and 
contains more than a tenth of the population of 
the entire country. Our citizens have every reason 
to be proud of our commonwealth, and I know 
from long experience that they take a deep and an 
abiding interest in the advancement of her ma- 
terial welfare, and in the promotion of her agri- 
cultural and commercial supremacy. Our motto 
is Excelsior, and to accentuate that motto, and 
maintain our prestige, in the Union of our sister- 
hood of States, there must be constant progress 
and no step backward. Every citizen of New 
York must do his duty, and must do his best, to 
keep our State in the vanguard of advancing 
civilization. 

NEW YORK THE EXEMPLAR. 

" New York should always stand as an ex- 
emplar of law and order, and of economical, and 
efficient, and progressive administration. I am 
proud to be its Governor, and I have promised the 
people that in so far as I can it will be my constant 
endeavor to maintain law and order ; to protect life 
and property; and to give the State an honest, an 
efficient, an economical, and a business-like ad- 
ministration of public affairs. I am friendly to 
every legitimate industry. I have no prejudice 
against business, big or little, so long as it is 
honest; and the business men in every part of our 
State can rely on me at all times to do my utmost 
to promote its commercial interests. I realize how 



important they are, and shall always be careful to 
make no move that will jeopardize the financial 

and the business supremacy of the firsi and the 
greatesl State in the Republic. To this end 1 have 

been working ever since the firsi day of January 
for quicker and better transportation agencies, 
and for improved and larger terminal facilities in 
order that New York shall continue to receive her 
just share of the trade and the commerce of the 
country. 

A WORD OF CAUTION TO LABOR. 

" They say I am a friend of the poor and the 
toiler. If that be true it is also true that I am a 
greater friend of law and order, and of life and 
property. A word of caution on this occasion may 
be timely. I have no sympath} 7 with lawlessness. 
•No man in all our history was a firmer believer in 
law and order than Thomas Jefferson. 

THE RIGHTS OF LABOR AND CAPITAL. 

" The right of a man to labor is inalienable, and 
the right of a man to quit work is just as un- 
deniable. Neither capital nor labor has the right 
to take the law in its own hands. If capital does 
wrong that is no reason why labor should do 
wrong, or vice versa. Two wrongs never did and 
never will make a right. In a government such as 
ours, the reign of law must not give way to the 
reign of force. The law must be obeyed by all. 

GOOD ADVICE. 

" The best advice that any friend can give labor, 
organized or otherwise, in its struggle for its just 
rights, for better conditions, for greater progress, 
and for a more equitable distribution of its fruits, 



is obey the law. Labor's only hope is here. No 
man is greater than the law in this country. 

A BELIEVER IN LAW AND ORDER. 

' ' No individual in all our State is a greater be- 
liever than I am in the supremacy of the law. Let 
no one misunderstand me when I say that the 
present Governor of the State of New York stands 
for the conservation of law and order, and the 
protection of life and property. During my term 
of office every power at my command vail be in- 
voked, and every agency of government will be 
utilized, at all times, to the accomplishment of 
this end. No man, rich or poor, high or low, great 
or small, is above the law. No man, no matter 
what he believes is his grievance, or what he 
thinks are Iris rights, must take the law into his 
own hands. Contempt for the law destroys the 
State. The law is supreme, and every man must 
bow to its observance. There must be no lawless- 
ness in the State of New York. This is a land of 
liberty, but it is now, always has been, and always 
will be, liberty under law." 



WM. SULZER 

A Short Sketch of the Nan Who Does Things 

By 

JULIUS CHAMBERS, F. R. G. S. 

Formerly Managing Editor of the New York Herald. 

REPRINTED FROM "PROMINENT MEN IN NEW YORK, 1912." 



A man who has distinguished himself 
in straight law and in clean politics 
is "William Sulzer, representing for 
years the Tenth District, New York, 
in the United States House of Repre- 
sentatives. Mr. Sulzer was born in 
Elizabeth, N. J., of German and Scotch- 
Irish parentage. His father was a 
farmer, near Elizabeth, and the boy 
was educated at the country schools 
near that town. He then attended lec- 
tures at the Columbia Law School and 
read law in the office of Parish & Pen- 
dleton, in New York city. His parents 
were strict Presbyterians, and intended 
their son for the ministry; but he pre- 
ferred the law and was duly admitted 
to the bar on attaining his majority in 
1884. He soon became recognized as a 
sound lawyer and an eloquent public 
speaker. He took an active part in the 
first Cleveland campaign and has been 
prominent in every campaign since. 
His success in law has been equalled 
by that in politics. He was sent to the 
New York Assembly and re-elected for 
five years. He made a splendid record 
for usefulness to the State at Albany. 
No one ever questioned his honesty, 
his sincerity or his capability. He serv- 
ed with distinction in the sessions of 
1890, 1891, 1892, 1893 and 1894. 

He was a leader there of his party 
and the Speaker in 1893 — one of the 
youngest on record. 

From the first, the newspapers were 
his friends. In 1894 the old Tenth Dis- 
trict of this city sent him to the Fifty- 
fourth Congress; he has been returned 
ever since by increasing majorities. He 
is popular with the people. His course 
in the House has been one of hard 
work and steady independence. He was 
a staunch friend of the suffering Cu- 
bans; his sympathies are world wide; 
his ideas are broad, and his work na- 
tional. 

He introduced the bill declaring war 
against Spain, the Joint Resolution pro- 
viding for a constitutional amendment 
under which the United States Senators 
will be elected by direct votes of the 
people; he is the author of the law es- 
tablishing the Bureau of Corporations 
in the Department of Commerce and 
Labor; the bill increasing the pay of 
letter carriers. He is the author of the 
resolution denouncing the Jewish out- 
rages in Russia; of the Columbus Day 
bill; the law increasing the pensions of 



the soldiers and sailors of the Union; 
the laws to raise the wreck of the 
Maine; of the copyright law; and the 
resolution for an income tax. He is 
the author of the bill to re-establish 
the merchant marine; for a general 
parcels post; for national aid in the 
construction of good roads; of the bill 
to create a Department of Labor with 
a Secretary having a seat in the Cabi- 
net; of the bill to decrease the cost 
of living by placing the necessaries of 
life on the free list, and of many other 
measures in the interest of the people 
of the country. His record at Albany 
and at Washington is a monument to 
his untiring zeal and indefatigable in- 
dustry. 

He has been a delegate to every Dem- 
ocratic National Convention since 1896. 
I stood beside him at the Chicago Con- 
vention of that year when Whitney, as 
chairman of the New York delegation 
declined to support Bryan, and coun- 
selled the New York delegation to bolt. 
Mr. Sulzer refused to be led out of the 
convention hall and stood alone in his 
support of the nominee. Sulzer pre- 
vented the New York delegation from 
bolting, and kept the Democrats from 
New York regular. He explained to 
me at the time that there were so many 
good things in the platform and that 
Mr. Bryan was a man of so much hon- 
esty and energy and power for good 
that he decided to go along with him. 
This was an act of great courage, for 
the New Yorkers were then bitterly 
hostile to Bryan. 

Mr. Sulzer has served on several Im- 
portant committees in the House of 
Representatives. Just so soon as his 
party gained control of the House his 
colleagues made him chairman of the 
important and responsible Committee 
on Foreign Affairs, and he is making 
good. He is widely read, is considered 
a fine international lawyer, with ability 
along executive and diplomatic lines. 

Mr. Sulzer last year was a candidate 
for the nomination for Governor on 
the Democratic ticket. Had he been 
selected he would have been elected by 
a landslide majority. I sincerely hope 
he will attain that high office of which 
he is worthy. The people are with him. 
He is a true man, an ideal representa- 
tive, and one of the best known and 
most lovable characters in our coun- 
try. 



<ltgcg£»l°0 



THE REPUBLIC OF CHINA 



SPEECH 



OP 



HON. WILLIAM SULZER 

OUT NEW YORK 



HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 



FEBRUARY 29, 1912 



«£ 



81002 ior,.ri 



WASniNGTON 
1012 



SPEECH 

01 

HON. WILLIAM SULZER 



REPUBLIC OF CHINA.. 

Mr. SULZEB said: 

Mr. Si'KAKKi;: By direction of the Committee on Foreign 
Affairs I ask unanimous consent for the presenl consideration 
of the joint resolution introduced by me, to congratulate the 
people of China on the establishment of the Chinese Republic, 

which I send to the Clerk's desk and ask to have read. Tins is 
a matter of some moment, and I hope there will be no objection 
to it. It is reported unanimously from the Committee on For- 
eign Affairs. 

The SPEAKER. The gentleman from New York asks unani- 
mous consent for the present consideration of House joint reso- 
lution 254, which the Clerk will report. 

The Clerk read House joint resolution 254, congratulating 

the people of China on their assumption of the powers, duties. 

and responsibilities of self-government, as follows: 

Whereas the Chinese nation has successfully asserted the fart that 
sovereignty Is vested in the people, and has recogni7.ed the principle 
that government derives its authority from the consent of the gov- 
erned, thereby terminating a condition of Internal strife; and 
Whereas the American people are inherently and by tradition sympa- 
thetic with all efforts to adopt the Ideals and institutions of repre- 
sentative government : Therefore lie it 

Iteaolri-tl. etc, That the United Slate-; of America congratulates the 
people of China on their assumption of the powers, duties, and responsi- 
bilities of Belf-government, and expresses the confident hope that In the 
adoption and maintenance of a republican form of government the 
rights, liberties, and happiness of the Chinese people will he secure and 
the progress of the country insured. 

Mr. SULZER. Mr. Speaker, the joint resolution just read by 

the Clerk congratulating the people of China on assuming the 

duties and the responsibilities of self-government speaks for 

itself and needs no apology and no explanation from any pa- 

2 31092— 10G34 



3 

triotic American. It should pass the Congress of the United 
States without a dissenting vote. 

It is fitting and proper that the people of the United States of 
America should congratulate the people of China on their as- 
sumption of the powers, duties, and responsibilities of self- 
government, and to express the confident hope that in the 
adoption and maintenance of a republican form of government 
the rights, liberties, and happiness of the Chinese people will be 
secure and the progress of the country insured. . . 

The resolution is in diplomatic form, according to custom, 
and in no way contravenes the status quo in the Orient or inter- 
feres with the protocol existing between the allied powers. Its 
adoption by Congress will be in line with our time-honored 
precedents. 

The establishment of a republic in China is a great world 
event — momentous in the annals of human history. Its accom- 
plishment speaks volumes for the moderation and the patriotism 
of the Chinese people, challenges the admiration of civilization, 
and gives renewed evidence of the growth and the progress of 
the cause of. representative government. 

I believe the people of China are capable of self-government. 
I reassert that governments derive their just powers from the 
consent of the governed. I feel confideut that the adoption of 
this resolution will meet with the approval of the liberty-loving 
people of our country. I indulge the hope that it will be fol- 
lowed ere long by Executive action officially recognizing the 
Republic of China. Long live the Republic of China ! 

Mr. RAKER. Mr. Speaker, we would like to hear over here 
what is going on with reference to China. 

The SPEAKER. The point of order is well taken. 

Mr. SULZER. Mr. Speaker, I will say to the gentleman from 
California that it is unnecessary for me to dwell at length on 
the urgent reasons why this resolution should pass immediately. 

Mr. RAKER. If there are any urgent reasons I think the 
House ought to know them. 

Mr. SULZER. Mr. Speaker, has the gentleman from Cali- 
fornia any objection to congratulating the people of China on 
31992— 10G34 



establishing a republic? This resolution simply congratulates 
the people of China on assuming the rights and duties of self- 
government. 

Mr. RAKER. Mr. Speaker, 1 would congratulate any people 
who are In favor of a republican form of government 

Mr. SULZER Good. That Is all this resolution does. 

The SPEAKER Is there objection? [After a pause.] The 
Chair hears none. 

The joint resolution was ordered to be engrossed and read 
third time, was read the third time, and passed. 

On motion of Mr. Sulzi:r, a motion to reconsider the vote 
whereby the joint resolution was passed was laid on the table. 
81992—10634 

o 



THE VOLUNTEER OFFICERS' 
RETIRED LIST 



SPEECH 



OF 



23l1>I O U Jj/j Jil\ 



OF NEW YORK 



IN THE 



HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 



SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 20, 1909 



7430S— 8079 



WASHINGTON 
1909 



SPEECH 

OF 

HON. WILLIAM SITLZER. 



The House being in Committee of the Whole House on the state of 
the Union, and having under consideration the bill (H. R. 2S059) mak- 
ing appropriations for the support of the Military Academy for the fiscal 
year ending June 30, 1910, and for other purposes — 

Mr. SULZER said: 

Mr. Chairman : I rise to say a few words for the soldiers and 
the sailors of the Union, for the bravest men on land and sea 
that ever faced a foe, for those heroic men who saved the Re- 
public from destruction during the darkest hour in all our his- 
tory. They need no eulogy. The glorious Union is their ever- 
lasting monument. For ages yet to come their achievements 
will be sung in song and story. 

Nearly fifty years have passed since the close of the great 
civil war — a conflict unparalleled in the annals of time. More 
than two-thirds of the soldiers and the sailors who participated 
in that tremendous struggle have been gathered to the fathers, 
and those that remain will soon cross the " great divide " to join 
their comrades on " fame's eternal camping ground." During the 
few years they will be with us on earth I believe it is the duty 
of the Government to care for those in poverty and distress and 
to see to it that none lack the necessaries of life. The Govern- 
ment owes the volunteers for the Union a debt of gratitude it 
can never pay, and gratitude to these men should be the fair- 
est flower that blossoms in the great heart of our reunited coun- 
try. Our soldiers and our sailors should be generously treated 
by the Government they did so much to preserve. That is the 
least we can do for them in their declining years. Those that 
are incapacitated and dependent should be liberally pensioued, 
and their widows and orphans should be the wards of the Re- 
public. As Lincoln said, the Nation should care for those who 
have borne the battle and for their widows and orphans, so that 
none shall be left in want and destitution. 

I am now, always have been, and always will be the friend of 
the soldiers and the sailors of the Union. I am proud of the 
fact that I am called the "old soldiers' champion; " and I want 
to say again what I have frequently said on the floor of this 
House, that in Congres or out of Congress, the men who saved 
the Union can always depend on me to do all in my power to 
see to it that they get their just rights and the thanks of a 
grateful Republic. 

For several years these brave old veterans have been trying 
to enact a law known as the " volunteer retired list bill." I have 
done all in my power to aid them in their struggle. This year 
after a hard fight I succeeded in reporting a bill favorably from 
the Committee on Military Affairs. My report Is now before 
the Congress, and the bill is slumbering on the calendar of the 
House, and will Bleep there. 1 am sorry to say. until this Con- 
gress adjourns on March 4. The fault is not nunc. I would 

743G8— 8079 3 



make the bill a law to-day if I could. For reasons annece 
for me to express at this time that hill can not pass this Con- 
gress. However, I Indulge the hope that some bill along similar 
lines will pass the next Congress and Become a law. Willi that 
end in view I shall, just as soon as the extraordinary session 
of the Congress convenes, on the 15th day of next March, re- 
introduce the bill I have carefully prepared, and which I now 
send to the Clerk's desk and ask to have read. 

The Clerk read as follows: 
A hill (II. It. 2.8337) to create In the War and Navy Departments, re- 
spectively, a roll to be known as the ™ Volunteer officers retired li^i," 
to authorize placing thereon with pay surviving officers who served in 
the Volunteer Army, Navy, or Marine Corps of the United States In 
the civil war, and who are not now on the retired list, and for other 
purposes. 

Be it enacted, etc., That upon written application to the B 
War, or to the Secretary of the Navy, and subject to the conditions 
and requirements hereinafter contained, the name of each surviving 
officer who served In the Volunteer Army, Navy, or Marine Corps of the 
United States In the civil war, shall be entered on a roll to be known 
as the " Volunteer officers' retired list." Each person so entered shall 
have served with credit as an olficer in said Volunteer Army. Navy, or 
Marine Corps in the civil war, and shall have been honorably disc;: 
and shall not have been retired; said application to be accompanied 
with proof of identity of the applicant, and both the application and 
proof to be under oath. 

_' That each applicant whose name shall be entered upon snld 
ill be entered as of the highest mustered rank held by htm 
while serving in said Volunteer Army, Navy, or Marine Corps, and when 
60 entered on said list he shall be paid, out of any money In the Treas- 
ury not otherwise appropriated, as follows: From the time that he 
attains the age of 64 years, $50 per month ; from the time he attains the 
age of TO vears, $75 per month; and from the time he attains the age 
of 70 years, $100 per month during the remaining period of his natural 
life, such pay to begin on the date of filing his said application with 
the Secretary of War or the Secretary of the Navy : Provided, Ths 
act shall not applv to any officer while serving as an official or em- 
ployee of the United States or any state or municipal government or 
income from anv source exceeds $1,200 per annum. 
Sec. 3. That each person who shall receive pay under this act shall 
thereby relinquish all his right and claim to pension from the United 
States after the date of filing said application, and any payment of 
such pension made to him covering a period subsequent to the filing 
of his said application shall be deducted from the amount due him on 
the first payment or payments under this act. The pay allowed by this 
act shall not be subject or liable to any attachment, levy, lien, or de- 
tention under any process whatever, and persons whose names are 
placed open Bald roll shall not constitute any part of the United States 
Army, Navy, or Marine Corps. 

4. That this act shall take effect immediatly. 

Mr. SULZEIt. Mr. Chairman, that bill speaks for itself. It 
is just and honest and fair and square. No liberty-loving citi- 
zen should object to it. I believe it meets with the approval 
of the soldiers and sailors of the Union — of those that are left 
of the Grand Army of the Republic — and I shall do everything 
In my power to make it a law before the Sixty-first Congress 
■hall adjourn on the 4th of March. 1911, and to this end I invoke 
the aid of every friend of the soldiers and sailors of our country. 

Sir, every sentiment of my heart impels me to say that the 
surviving volunteer officers who served with credit during the 
civil war are entitled to receive honors and emoluments equal to 
those which have been bestowed upon any officers wbo have 
served in defense of the country. It must be recognized that 
in time of war reliance has been bad upon volunteer* to bear 
the heat and burden of the conflict, and that it has always 
been, and will no doubt be to the end, the policy of the Govern- 
74368— S070 



5 

ment to maintain a small Regular Army. The civil war in- 
volved the perpetuity of the Union. The Union was preserved 
and the national authority maintained at the end of the great- 
est war of the world, in which more than two millions of vol- 
unteers marched and fought under the triumphant banner of 
their country. 

A great reunited people now owe their repose and peace at 
home, their phenomenal progress and prosperity, their commer- 
cial success, and their influence abroad to the preservation of 
the Union. I invite particular attention to the fact that this 
proposed legislation has received the approval of a very large 
number of prominent and influential men in various parts of 
the country. The petitions of these citizens are now in the 
hands of the military committees of the two Houses. Public 
opinion favors this legislation, and the legislatures of the States 
of Illinois, Ohio, New York, Michigan, Nebraska, Colorado, 
Wyoming, Utah, and Kansas, by unanimous votes, have passed 
resolutions indorsing it, and requesting the Senators and Repre- 
sentatives from these States to vote for the enactment of a 
volunteer retired list law. The bill should have been passed 
and enacted into law long ere this. Patriotism commands it. 
Gratitude demands it. Let us do our duty and pas^ the bill. 

And now, Mr. Chairman, that is all I care to say at this time 
in connection with this matter, but ere I take my seat I ask 
unanimous consent to print in the Record, as part of my remarks, 
several letters from distinguished volunteer army officers in 
favor of this legislation. These letters are similar to dozens 
I am receiving weekly from all over the country, and they speak 
eloquently for justice to the soldiers and sailors of the Union. 

The CHAIRMAN. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from New York? [After a pause.] The Chair hears 
none, and the request is granted. 

The letters follow: 

235 West One hundred and second street, 

Hew York, Fehruary 2.3, 1909. 
Hon. William Solzer, M. C, 

Washington, D. O. 

Dear Mr. Sulzer : Through the courtesy of my old comrade, our 
esteemed mutual friend, Colonel Lowry, I have a copy of your 
bill to create a volunteer retired list, and as a party in Interest 
I sincerely thank yo\i for your wise, patriotic, and energetic efforts in 
that direction. While this bill does not make the same allowance for 
the surviving officers of the civil war that had been so deservedly cx^ 
tended to those of the Revolution by the acts of 1828 and 18;S2, granting 
them full pav during life, If the Government of the country that we 
fought to protect through all the perils of a terrible war, without 
counting any risk of life or financial sacrifice, Is not willing or can not 
afford to do us justice, we must he grateful for what we can get and 
be content with the thought that " half a loaf Is better than none," but 
we want that half loaf now. while we are alive to eat it. I was 
wounded nine times in battle and know whereof I speak. 

The question of other necessary large appropriations should, in my 
opinion, not be allowed to cause delay, for the Government had to Issue 
bonds to raise funds to prosecute the war and it can do so now to help 
those who had volunteered their lives in her service. 

Gen. Edwin L. Hayes, who is in his ninety-first year, called to see me 
last Friday. He has a brilliant war record, but is physically feeble and 
financially needy. I read him your bill, and he answered : 

"Please thank Mr. Sulzer for me, bat tell him, for God's sake, to 
have the bill passed at this session, for I do not expect to live until 
the next." 

There are hundreds of similar cases that should not ho suffered to 
plead in vain to the heart of our great Nation. Private soldiers, on au 
average, now receive as much in pensions as they received pay during 
743G8— 8079 



the civil wur, while officers do not receive one tenth of their former 
pay. 

Although it takes private soldiers to make generals and win hattles, 
It required good officers and hard, persistent work to convert the raw 
material into the brave, efficient soldiers that won the hattles of the 
civil war. 

You are known throughout the land as the " soldier's friend," and 

can you not add one more golden link to the long chain of noble il Is 

for which we owe you love and gratitude and have your bill enacted 
Into law at this session of Con^i 

With esteem and best wishes, 

Very truly, yours, Saml. K. Schwexk. 

PniLLiPSBUitG, N. J., November so, 1908. 
lion. William Sulzer, Esq., 

New York City, 

Dear Sir : I have been told that you arc drawing up a bill having for 
Its object the placing of the ex-officers of the United States Army, Navy, 
and Marine Corps who served during the late civil war on the retired 
list and treated in every respect with the same honors and considera- 
tions shown to the regular officers who served in that war. 

In one of the bills introduced last winter for the army it made it 
obligatory to have served eighteen months. Another bill made the time 
limit one year-. 

I have for years been a medical examiner — United 81 "> sur- 

geon — and to'secure a pension ninety days' service is required. In your 
bill I would suggest as a time limit six months or nine months, as it is 
not fair to exact s year or eighteen months for those who went and did 
their duty and slaved in until the end of the war. They should be en- 
titled to be pltfced on the retired list, as it was not their fault that the 
war was over and they mustered out. If in your bill you exact a six 
months' service, that would he all right. 

A second suggestion is this : In one of the bills of last winter the 
officer must have resigned or been honorably discharged on or before 
July 15, 180.". This is not right, for the Government could not disband 
so large an armv and navv In so short a time. I was in the navy and 
not discharged until August 10, 1865, and others on my Bhip and some 
I know of not until September and later. At this point I would sug- 
gest that to be placed on the retired list tbey must have entered the 
service on April 1~>. 1861, and resigned or been honorably discharged 
prior to October 1, 1st;.", or December 31, 1865. 

A third suggestion — as to b<dng retired on the rank one grade higher 
than the highest grade attained in the service. This is the rule in the 
navv, I know, and I believe the Bame applies to the army. All officers, 
as a mark of honor, especial honor of the Regular Navy, on being 
retired and who served for any length of time in the civil war are 
retired one rank higher than the highest in which they served. No 
other naval officers who are placed on the retired list of t lie navy — 
and I think the army — are given this extra rank on retirement. It Is 
a special mark of appreciation and honor, intended only for the regular 
officers who served m that war. 

Now, If re. ers are given this special mark of appreciation 

and honor, should nol volunteers on their being retired be treated with 
the same consideration and respect and have equal honors with the 
regulars for their (the volunteers) service in the same war'.' 

I would BUggest, therefore, when drawing your bill, that you Incor- 
porate in it this special honor, making, as I presume you intend to, that 
the volunteer shall be in every respect on the same footing and with 
equal consideration and respect and with the same honors accorded to 
the regulars. I have had all the papers from the Navy Department 
relating to naval officers' retirement, and know just what I am writing 
about. I ask and hope that you will give my suggestions your careful 
consideration, and hope you may decide to incorporate them In your 
new bill. I am, sir. 

Very truly, yours, J. A. Detrie, M. D. 

l'liibi.ii'SKi BO, N. J., November so, 1908. 

Hhadquabters Cameron Post, to. 

Department New York. G. a. R., 

\, ,/ For* aiii. February 22, 1909. 
ITon. William Sulzbb, M. C, 

n ashington, D. C. 
Dear Sir: I have just been reading a copy of your bill to au- 
thorize placing on the retired list certain surviving officers of the 
United States Volunteer Army. I wish to thank you for your tireless 
743G8— .S(»7U 



labor in our behalf, and assure you that I am firmly impressed with the 
justice of this proposed measure and believe that the passage of such a 
worthy and righteous act should be secured soon as possible. I know 
many worthy surviving officers who are earnestly interested in the 
enactment of such a bill ; some that are not able to work, and others 
who can not find employment and are living on charity and slowly 
starving. May God help you in this good work. 
Very sincerely, yours. 

Lucius B. Wilson,, 
Commander Cameron Post, 79, G. A. B. 
67 West Eleventh street. 

Richard H. Bermingham, recording secretary, 5G West Ninety-third 
street ; William A. Peet, financial secretary, 52-54 Park street ; Sixty- 
third, Sixty-ninth, Eighty-eighth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth batteries, 
New York, Twenty-eighth Massachusetts and One hundred and sixteenth 
Pennsylvania Volunteers, comprising Meagher's Irish brigade, Col. 
James' J. Smith, honorary president, New Sixty-ninth Regiment Armory, 
Lexington avenue, between Twenty-fifth and Twenty-sixth streets. 

New York, February ?J h 1909. 
Hon. William Sulzer, M. C. 

Mr Dear Mr. Sulzer : Your favor of the 16th, together with the 
copies of the volunteer officers' bill, came duly to hand. I have seen 
quite a number of the ex-officers, and all of them approve of the bill, 
without an exception, and will cheerfully aid you to the best of their 
ability in making it a law. I want to say that we all know that you 
are our consistent friend and fully appreciate 3 r our efforts in our be- 
half, and thank you most cordially for the same. Wishing you success 
in every direction, and with kindest wishes and best regards, 
I am, very truly, yours, 

Jno. R. Nugent, 
S5 Mount Morris Parle West, Neiv York City. 

Illinois and Chicago Volunteer Retired List Committees, Joseph B. 
Leake, brevet brigadier-general, president ; F. A. Battey, lieutenant- 
colonel, Fifty-seventh Illinois Volunteer Infantry, secretary and treas- 
urer. Vice-presidents at large : Samuel Fallows, brevet brigadier-gen- 
eral, Chicago; James A. Connelly, major One hundred and twenty-third 
Illinois Volunteer Infantry, Springfield. Vice-presidents of congres- 
sional districts: First district, Col. W. L. Barnum, 174 Dearborn street, 
Chicago ; second district, Capt. M. J. Sheridan, 4351 Calumet avenue, 
Chicago; third district, Capt. James G. Everest, 6611 Yale avenue, Chi- 
cago : fourth district, Lieut. Joseph S. Smith, Forty-fourth street and 
Beater avenue, Chicago; fifth district, Bvt. Brig. Gen. Charles T. 
Hotchkiss, Chicago ; sixth district, Adjt. Edward A. Blodgett, 510 West 
Monroe street, Chicago ; seventh district, Col. John W. Bennett, 122 
South Central avenue, Chicago; eighth district, Lieut. Robert S. Ben- 
nett, 138 West Monroe street, Chicago ; ninth district, Maj. William 
Eliot Furness, 417 Orchard street, Chicago; tenth district, Maj. E. D. 
Reddlngton, Evanston ; eleventh district", Lieut. E. W. Willard, Juliet; 
twelfth district, Capt. J. August Smith. Rock ford ; thirteenth district, 
Maj. George S. Avery. Galena; fourteenth district, Lieut. \y. H. Sexton, 
Monmouth; fifteenth district. Lieut. George M. .Lines. Qulncy; si. 
district, Lieut. II. M. Trimble, Princeton ; seventeenth district, Gen. 
George F. Dick, Bloamington ; eighteenth district, Firsl Lieui. Samuel 
F. Wilson, Neoga ; nineteenth district, Maj. V. L. Hays, Decatur; twen- 
tieth district. Capt. W. A. Kirby, Jacksonville; twenty-rfirst district, 
Lieut. B. R. Ilicronymus, Springfield! twenly ser.md district, Mai. Wil- 
liam R. Prlckett, Edwardsvllle: twenty-third district, Cant. C. D. Ken- 
dall, Newton; twenty-fourth district, Capt. C. M. Lyon, McLeansboro ; 
and twenty-fifth district, Capt. N. B. Thistlewood, Cairo. 

Rockfobd, III., February t&, 1909. 
LTon. William Sulzer, 

Congressman from New York. 

HONORABLE Siu: From Col. P. A. Battoy, of Chicago, 111., I learned 
that you had introduced a new bill to Congress in the interest of the 
civil-war officers. 

As vice-president of the twelfth congressional district of Illinois, I 
extend to you the thanks of the civil-war officers in this con 
district, ami hope that your bill will become law. 
Respectfully, 

.i. a i oi ST Smith, 

1JU North Church 6.7, v, t. 
743GS— S079 



8 

JAKDABTj 1909, LIST OF srnviviNO UAJOE IND BBIC U'MR- 

i.i.m.k.u.x OF V0LUNTF.DB8 0* Tin: CIVIL WAE. 

The following printed list, prepared Janaary, 1909, gives the name 
and age of - major-generals ana 26 brigadier-generals of volunteers, the 
Burvlvors of 131 major-generals and 549 brigadier-generals of volun- 
teers appointed and who served during the civil war. 

There are aow only 2 major-generals and l'."> brigadier-generals of 
volunteers surviving who are eligible to the provisions "f the volun- 
teer-retired list hills now pending before Congress: 



Name. 



Address. 



Age at 

birthday 

after 

■ 



HAJOB-GSNKRALS OP VOLUNTEERS. 

QrenvflleU 

Stalil. Julius 




BRIGADIBB-GENEBALS OP VOLUNTEFRS. 

A mea . A delbert 

Andrews, Christopher C 

ty, John 

Bussey, Cyrus 

Oatterson, R. F 

Chamberlain, Joshua L 

lain, August L 

Clayton, Powell 

Connor, Selden 

Cook, John 

Cooper, Joseph A 

Curtis, Newton M 

Grant, L. A 

Gregg, D. McM 

Harland, Edward 

MeCook, Edward M 



MoGinness, G. F 

Nickerson, Frank S. 
Paine, Charles J 



Pierce. Byron R 

Raurn, Green H 

Seward. William EL... 

Shaler, Alex ani ler 

Smith, William Sooy. 

Webb, Alexander S... 



Lowell, M iss 

st. Paul, Minn 

Columbus, Ohio 

Washington, D. O 

Minneapolis. Minn 

Brunswick, Me 

:n. Ill 

Eureka Springs, Ark 

Augusta, Me 

Ransom, Mich 

St. Johns, Kans 

Ogdensburg, N, Y 

Minneapolis, Minn 

Reading, Pa 

Norwich, Conn 

319 Broadway, New York, 
N. Y. 

Indianapolis, Ind 

Needham, Mass. 

613 Sears Buiiding, Bos- 
ton, Mass. 

Grand Rapids, Mich 

Chicago, 111 

Auburn. N. Y 

Ridgetleld, N. Y... 

Mmiadnock Block, Chica- 
go, 111. 

Riverdale, N. Y 



71 
80 
81 
76 
74 

Nl 

86 

70 

Bi 
86 

74 

so 
7<i 
77 
7i 

B8 

83 

76 

.so 
80 

B2 
78 



It is at present impossible to give the number of colonels, 
lieutenant-cononels, majors, captains, and lieutenants of volun- 
teers during the civil war who are living, but it is suggested 
the proportion as above would be about the same. 
74368—8079 



o 



At the Banquet, of the American 
Party, Monday night, September 
27, 1915, in the Broadway Central 
Hotel, New York City, Mr. Sulzer 
spoke in part as follows: 

"My friends, in view of the 127,600 votes polled by the Ameri- 
can Party — under its emblem — the Liberty Bell — in the last 
State Campaign no apology is necessary for its activity in this 
campaign. There are no national issues involved in this fight. 
In the last analysis this campaign means, which candidate, if 
elected, is best fitted for the office, and can best serve the people. 
The American Party is for that candidate. 

"The American Party stands for good government ; for decent 
citizenship ; for a square deal ; for the rights of the people ; for the 
dignity of labor ; for woman's suffrage ; for all progressive poli- 
cies ; for the Social Welfare ; for the ideals of patriotic America ; 
and for the perpetuation of the free institutions of the Fathers. 

"The politicians — wise and otherwise — know the American 
Party is the party of the plain people, and will continue to fight 
the battle of the taxpayers for honest government ; to destroy 
corrupt bossism ; and to abolish the iniquitous system of bi- 
partisan graft, called Fifty-Fifty, by which taxation is doubled, 
and the few wax fat at the expense of the many. 

"The American Party asserts that the Democracy of New 
York cannot succeed under its present deficient and deplorable 
leadership, which constitutes a despotism of depravity, from 
an ethical-political viewpoint, worse than anything known in auto- 
cratic Russia. 



"As the Progressive Party wanes, and passes into the shadow, 
the American Party looms larger and larger on the political 
horizon. The American Party is alive — very much alive. The so- 
called Bull Moose I 'arty is dead — very dead — and while it- ghost, 
in the person <>:' Terrible Teddy, for yet a little while, struts the 
political stage, to disturb the Presidential dreams of Republican 
Candidates', there appears to be none, but George W. Perkins, and 
our auburn-haired friend, Victor Murdock, to mourn its loss, or 
shed a crocodile tear over its curious bier. All of which goes to 
prove that a political party cannot be kept alive to gratify the 
vanity and the whims of a disappointed third term office seeker. 

"< mi this festive occasion we congratulate each other, and the 
people, that the American Part}- has designated a worthy ticket 
in every Borough of Greater New York. When our candidates 
are nominated in the Primaries, and the politicians get the per- 
spective, they will realize the significance of this remark, and 
wonder at their lack of political sagacity. 

"The American Party is for Frank K. Bowers for Sheriff, of 
New York Count}-. He has demonstrated, as Under Sheriff, his 
capacity, his fitness, and his ability, to administer the affairs of the 
office to the satisfaction of the Bench and the Bar, and for the 
welfare of all the people generally. 

"The salary of the Sheriff is $12,000 a year, and the fees 
amount to more than $60,000 annually. As between Mr. Bowers, 
our candidate for Sheriff, and Al Smith — Boss Murphy's handy 
man at Albany — the taxpayers of New York County should have 
no hesitancy as to whom to support, especially in view of the fact 
that Mr. Bowers says that if elected he will give the fees of the 
office, amounting to more than $60,000 a year, to the City to reduce 
taxation, while the Tammany candidate, in accordance with cus- 
tom, will doubtless give the fees to the man higher up. We chal- 
lenge Smith to tell the voters — what Mr. Bowers tells them — 
that if he, Smith, is elected Sheriff, he will turn over to the City 
the $60,000 fees of the office. 

'.'In view of what the Bar Association says about the fitness 
of the Tammany candidate for Justice of the City Court, the 
American Party urges all citizens to vote for Philip C. Samuels, 



its candidate for Justice of the City Court, because he is a well- 
known lawyer; because he is a popular citizen ; because he has 
made a fine reputation at the Bar; because he stands high in his 
profession ; because he has won the confidence of the people ; and 
because of his fitness and integrity. Between Mr. Samuels, our 
candidate for Judge of the City Court, and the Tammany candi- 
date, no believer in Justice, no lawyer in the City, and no taxpayer 
with common sense, should be in doubt as to how he should vote, 
in this connection, on Election Day. 

"The American Party is for William S. Bennet, for Repre- 
sentative in Congress, in the 23rd Congressional District. He is 
the fusion candidate against Tammany. His election is assured. 
As a matter of fact, between Congressman Bennet, and his oppo- 
nent—the boy relative of the Boss of Tammany — there should be 
no question in the minds of the voters of the 23rd Congressional 
District as to how they should vote on Election Day. They 
should ballot for William S. Bennet, for Congress, because of 
his well-known qualifications for the office ; because of his work 
for good government; because of his eloquence and experience; 
because of the splendid record he made during the six years he 
served in Congress ; because there never was a time when the 
City of New York needed in Congress representatives of ability, 
of character, and of experience, so much as it does at the present 
time. 

"The American Party in Kings County urges the election 
of that fearless champion of decent citizenship ; that true friend 
of honest government, Col. Alexander S. Bacon, for Justice of 
the Supreme Court. Col. Bacon is an independent citizeii, a 
brilliant lawyer, and an American through and through. He 
deserves success on Election Day because he stands squarely for 
progressive principles, and the ideals of patriotic America ; be- 
cause of his probity and high character ; because of his fine sense 
of Justice ; and because of the splendid work he has done for the 
Social Welfare, and for Civic Righteousness. The American 
Party will make every effort to elect Col. Bacon a Supreme Court 
Judge in the Second Department. 

"The American Party, to a man, is for Woman Suffrage, and 



will do everything in its power, through its agencies, in every 
part of the State, to make the equal suffrage amendment, giving 
the women the right to vote, a part of the organic law of our 
State. 

"The American Party is against the adoption of the proposed 
Constitution, because it is a libel on representative government ; 
because it is a menace to the sovereignty of the citizen ; because it 
is verbose, involved, and contradictory; because it is contrary to 
the progressive spirit of the age ; because it is undemocratic, 
unrepublican, un-American, and reactionary ; because it is the 
work of cunning politicians and subtle lawyers, representing pow- 
erful corporate interests, which seek, under the cloak of law, to 
plunder the people of the State in the future as they have plun- 
dered them in the past ; because it is a long-winded legal docu- 
ment of more than 32,000 words which few people will ever read, 
and fewer people will ever understand ; because it is in favor of 
special privilege and against inherent rights ; because it is the 
cleverest contrivance, take it all in all, ever conceived by the mind 
of man to rob his fellow-man, to stifle opportunity, to destroy ini- 
tiation, and to shackle the plain people to the chariot wheels of 
invisible government ; and last, but not least, because it ac- 
centuates corrupt bossism, and perpetuates the bi-partisan system 
of graft — called Fifty-Fifty — beyond the ability of the people to 
escape the incubus during the rest of their natural lives." 



GOVERNOR SULZER 



THE POLITICAL BOSSES 



AND 



THE LEGISLATURE 



STATEMENT BY THE GOVERNOR 

STATEMENT BY HIS COUNSEL 

THE GOVERNOR'S LAST MESSAGE TO THE 
LEGISLATURE 

COMMENT OF NEWSPAPER CORRE- 
SPONDENTS 

THE GOVERNOR'S SPEECH AT CORNING 



STATEMENT 

REGARDING THE POWER OF THE FRAWLEY 
COMMITTEE 

TO ANNOY AND HARASS THE GOVERNOR 
AND OTHER CITIZENS OF THE STATE. 

By Valentine Taylor, Counsel to the Governor. Dated July 24, 1913 



STATEMENT. 

The attention of the Executive Department has been 
called to the fact that Eugene Lamb Richards, acting 
as counsel to the Frawley Committee, has issued a 
request in letter form, and sent the same to many 
state officials and other citizens of the State, in sub- 
stance, requesting that they furnish information to 
Mr. Richards, or the Committee, as to what campaign 
contributions, if any, they have made during the State 
campaign last year, which resulted in the election of 
Governor Sulzer. 

The letter requests that it be specified whether such 
campaign contribution was made by cash, or by check; 
to whom it was made ; — when it was made ; how it 
came to be made ; and for what purposes it was made, 
etc., etc. 

Mr. Richards' letter, further states in substance, 
that if such information is furnished no subpoena to 
testify before the Frawley Committee on such subject 
will be served upon the person furnishing such infor- 
mation. 

Neither the Committee, nor Mr. Richards, as its 
counsel, has any authority whatever to make such an 
unwarranted demand, accompanied by threat of sub- 
poena. 



THE POWER. OF Till'] FRAWLEY COMMITTEE. 

There can be no misunderstanding or misappre- 
hension as to the scope of (he power and authority of 
the Frawley Committee. The legitimate functions of 
this Committee are prescribed and defined by a con- 
current resolution, which the Legislature adopted on 
May 3, 1913, which gives the Committee power: 

" to examine into the methods of financial ad- 
ministration and conduct of all institutions, so- 
cieties or associations of the State, which are sup- 
ported either wholly or in part by state moneys, 
or which report officially to the state ; into the func- 
tions of any or all State Departments concerned 
in the management, supervision or regulation of 
any of such Departments; the methods of making 
purchases, fixing salaries, awarding contracts for 
supplies, buildings, repairs and improvements, the 
sale of manufactured articles, and the conduct gen- 
erally of the business of all such institutions and 
departments, for the purpose of reporting to the 
next session of the legislature such laws relating 
thereto, as the committee may deem proper." 

The exact language of this resolution, passed at the 
regular session of the Legislature, is specific as to the 
functions and powers of this Committee. 

THE THOMPSON RESOLUTION VOID. 

No lawyer of intelligence would honestly attempt to 
maintain that a certain resolution introduced in the 
Senate during the present extraordinary session, by 
Senator Thompson, purporting to enlarge the powers 
and functions of the Frawley Committee, is of any 
force or effect. 



This so-called Thompson resolution is absolutely 

void under the express provisions of section 4 of 

article IV of the State Constitution, which provides : 

"At an extraordinary session no subjects shall 

be acted upon except such as the governor may 

recommend for consideration." 

Governor Sulzer made no recommendation to this 
extraordinary session of the Legislature relating to 
the subjects covered, or referred to, in the resolution 
introduced by Senator Thompson, and its passage by 
the Senate and Assembly, in violation of the consti- 
tutional prohibition, reveals a lack of all good faith 
and honest purpose in its introduction and passage. 
It is null and void. 

RICHARDS' THREATS. 

The attempt of Mr. Richards, by his threat of sub- 
poena, to secure information which he must know, and 
which' the Committee itself must know relates to a 
subject matter, concerning which the Committee is 
wholly without authority and jurisdiction, is nothing 
less than an abuse and misuse of legislative proced- 
ure and process, and an unwarranted and unlawful 
attempt at coercion of the citizens, in violation of the 
State Constitution itself. 

Governor Sulzer has already announced, and desires 
to reiterate, that he is not only desirous, but is anxious 
to aid the Frawley Committee in every proper way, 
through every appropriate means, so long as it con- 
fines itself to the legitimate scope of its powers and 
functions as prescribed by the concurrent resolution, 
passed by the Legislature on May 3, 1913. 



Till-] Hi'AWLEY COMMITTEE WILL NOT BE 
AIDED TO DISCREDIT THE EXECUTIVE. 

It is not to be expected, nor will the Governor co- 
operate with the Committee when it attempts to use 
its powers, and the more so when it usurps to itself 
unwarranted jurisdiction and authority, for the pur- 
pose of going on a fishing expedition, with the view 
of securing data to discredit the Executive in any of 
his actions done in the performance of his duty under 
the Constitution and laws. 

The subject matter of the inquiry in Mr. Richards' 
letter, being absolutely without and beyond the juris- 
diction and legitimate functions of the Frawley Com- 
mittee, and his implied threat that unless the desired 
information be furnished, a subpoena would be served, 
compelling the citizens to testify before the Com- 
mittee, is an idle threat and no attention should be 
paid to it whatsoever by any citizen in the State. 

THE POWER OF THE COMMITTEE. 

It is possible that the Committee or its coun- 
sel, may issue a subpoena under the guise that the 
witness is desired to be interrogated respecting 
matters legitimately within its jurisdiction as covered 
by the resolution of May 3, 1913, and the witness so 
served would be required under Section 1239 of the 
Penal Law to obey such a subpoena and appear before 
the Committee, but such unwarranted abuse of process 
would have no further effect. 

Such a witness being placed upon the witness stand 
could refuse to answer any questions relating to po- 
litical contributions, on the ground that such questions 



did not relate to the subject matter within the juris- 
diction of the Committee, or pertinent to the inquiry. 

The citizen who may be interested is hereby advised 
that the Supreme Court of the United States has held 
that neither branch of the Legislature, or a legislative 
committee, can be invested with a general power of 
making inquiry into the private affairs of a citizen. 

Further that the highest court stated, " it cannot be 
too often repeated — that the principles that embody 
the essence of constitutional liberty and security for- 
bid all invasions on the part of the government and its 
employees of the sanctity of a man's home and the 
privacies of his life. Of all the rights of the citizen, 
few are of greater importance or more essential to 
his peace and happiness than the right of personal 
security and that involves not merely protection of his 
person from assault but exemption of his private 
affairs, books and papers from the inspection and 
scrutiny of others. ' ' 

THE GOVERNOR'S POSITION. 

The Governor of a State as representing the execu- 
tive branch of the State government, is entitled to that 
immunity from encroachment by either the judicial or 
the legislative branches of the government on that 
fundamental theory and maxim of American constitu- 
tions, known as the tripartite separation of powers. 

A large number of judicial precedents exist, both 
Federal and State, to the effect that the Executive 
branch of the government is independent of the legis- 
lative and judicial branches and that no one of the 
three departments can usurp the powers of any of the 
others, or invade the rights or jurisdiction of any 
other department, either through a committee or any 
other agency. 



THE GOVERNOR'S CHALLENGE TO THE 

FRAWLEY C( >M M 1TTEE. 

If the Frawley Committee is sincere and honest in 
its purpose to examine into campaign contributions of 
the election of the fall of 191"2 in this State, the Gov- 
ernor desires to announce to all who may be interested 
that he will gladly and unreservedly give his besl 
efforts to assist the Committee in this respect, pro- 
vided the Committee will give some evidence of its 
honesty and sincerity in the matter by calling Charles 
F. Murphy, Philip Donohue, and others, whose names 
he will furnish, place them on the witness stand, and 
permit them to be examined under oath, regarding all 
the contributions they received, and for which they 
never accounted. 

Under such circumstances the Executive will render 
every possible assistance in this matter which the 
Committee has intimated it desires thoroughly to in- 
vestigate, but unless some such evidence of the Fraw- 
ley Committee's sincerity is forthcoming, the Gov- 
ernor, on the advice of eminent counsel whom he has 
consulted, will instruct the staff of the Executive De- 
partment, and all others called or subpoenaed, that 
when the Frawiey Committee attempts to usurp un- 
warranted authority and exercise jurisdiction on sub- 
jects not within the legitimate scope of its functions, 
that no attention whatever be paid to their communica- 
tions oi- requests. 

JUDICIAL PRECEDENTS. 

A legislative committee can not be empowered by 

the Legislature, with the general power of making in- 
quiry into the private affairs of the citizens. 

On May 26, L804, the Supreme Court of the United 
States, decided the case of Interstate Commerce Com- 



9 



mission v. Brimson, 154 U. S. 447; 155 U. S. 3, Mr. 

Justice Harlan delivering the opinion of the court. In 

the prevailing opinion of Mr. Justice Harlan, the court 

states : 

" We do not overlook these constitutional limi- 
tations which, for the protection of personal 
rights, must necessarily attend all investigations 
conducted under the authority of Congress. 
Neither branch of the legislative department, still 
less any merely administrative body established 
by Congress, possesses, or can be invested with, a 
general power of making inquiry into the private 
affairs of the citizen. (Kilbourn v. Thompson, 
103 U. S. 168, 190.) We said in Boyd v. United 
States (116 U. S. 616, 630) — and it can not be too 
often repeated — that the principles that embody 
the essence of constitutional liberty and security 
forbid all invasions on the part of the Govern- 
ment and its employees of the sanctity of a man's 
home and the privacies of his life. As said by Mr. 
Justice Field in In re Pacific Railway Commission 
(32 Fed. Eep. 241, 250), ' of all the rights of the 
citizen, few are of greater importance or more 
essential to his peace and happiness than the right 
of personal security, and that involves not merely 
protection of his person from assault, but exemp- 
tion of his private affairs, books and papers from 
the inspection and scrutiny of others.' 

" The inquiry whether a witness before the 
Commission is bound to answer a particular ques- 
tion propounded to him or to produce books, 
papers, etc., in his possession and called for by 
that body is one that can not be committed to a 
subordinate administrative or executive tribunal 
for final determination. Snch a body could not, 
under our system of government, and consistently 



10 

with due process of law, be invested with author 
ity to compel obedience to its orders by a jn< 
nielli of fine or imprisonment. Except in the 
particular instances enumerated in the constitu- 
tion, and considered in Anderson v. Dunn (6 
Wheat. 204) and in Kilbourn v. Thompson (103 
U. S. L68, 190') of the exercise by cither House of 
Congress of its right to punish disorderly be- 
havior upon the part of its members, and to com- 
pel the attendance of witnesses, and the produc- 
tion of papers in election and impeachment cases, 
and in cases that may involve the existence of 
those bodies, the power to impose fine or im- 
prisonment in order to compel the performance of 
a legal duty imposed by the United States can 
only be exerted, under the law of the land, by a 
competent judicial tribunal having jurisdiction in 
the premises. See WhitcomVs case (120 Mass. 
118) and authorities there cited." 

To the same effect see Hale v. Henkel, 201 U. S. 43; 
American Tobacco Co. v. Werchmeister, 207 U. S. 284. 

LEGISLATIVE PRECEDENTS. 

See also to the same effect, Congressional precedents 
as follows: 

Second session Twenty-fourth Congress, Journal, 
pp. 165, 166 (January 3, 1837). 

House Report, first session Twenty-fourth Congress 
No. 193, p. 2 of Journal of Report. 

Journal of Report, No. 193, pp. 67-80 (January 25, 
L837). 

Above Congressional precedents summarized in 
Hind's Precedents of the House of Representatives, 
Vol. 3, p. 94, section 1733. 



11 



NEW Y\jk& STATE PRECEDENTS. 

In the Matter of Barnes, 204 N. Y. 108 (January, 
1912), Mr. Barnes was a witness, and was required to 
produce the books of the Albany Journal. He offered 
to produce a transcript of the books, relating to all the 
business of the Journal Company with State officials. 
This was refused by the Committee, and Barnes was 
asked certain questions as to how he got his stock; 
what he paid for it ; whether he paid anything for it ; 
and whether it was given to him. 

These questions Mr. Barnes refused to answer and 
the Committee attempted to punish him for contempt 
brought legal proceedings. 

The Court of Appeals held that Mr. Barnes was not 
required to answer these questions. 

The Court of Appeals took occasion to say in its 
opinion, by Judge Gray, at page 116 : 

" The evidence showed the practices of the com- 
pany in its transaction of the public business and 
its methods in dealing with public officials, suffi- 
ciently for the committee to frame recommenda- 
tions, if any were deemed needful, for further 
legislation in the public interest." 

And at page 117 : 

" There was no occasion for going through the 
corporate books for the purpose of fishing for 
other facts, which might reflect discreditably upon 
the business methods of the company; with the 
result of exposing its business dealings to the 
world." 
And at page 118: 

" Having the admissions and knowledge which 
the evidence afforded it, whatever conclusion it 



L2 



might leau to, to permit the committee to proceed 
to the desired Length would be necessary to the 
object of its inquiry and make offensively inquisi- 
torial a proceeding not visitorial in its nature, in 
the sense of being instituted for the inspection 
and control of the corporation itself. I think it 
was not ' a proper case ' for compelling the wit- 
ness to bring the corporate books." 

No witness can be compelled to testify to his per- 
sonal business, such things need not be disclosed to the 
Committee, under the statement by the witness that 
pursuant to section 856 of the Code, the questions are 
not pertinent, and in the language of section 854 of 
the Code, it is not " a proper case " to insist upon 
laying bare to the Committee the transactions in a 
person's private books, — such as private check books, 
or private account books — which items relate to the 
individual's business, and in no way relate to the 
official duties of the public officer under examination 
as a witness. 

THE LEGISLATURE HAS ADJOURNED. 

Under the Constitution, and the statutes, the at- 
tempt of the Legislature to pass a resolution for a re- 
cess from July 23, 1913, to August 11, 1913, when as a 
physical fact a quorum was not present; the closing 
of the Legislature and the departure of the members, 
by such unwarranted procedure as matter of law and 
as matter of fact, amounts to an abdication by the 
Legislature of all its legislative functions. 

Such an attempted recess, not in accordance with the 
constitutional provision, may be miscalled a legisla- 
tive recess, but must, and will be treated by the Execu- 
tive as a final abandonment of this extraordinary ses- 



13 

sion of the legislature — extraordinary in more ways 
than one — of its further assemblage as a legislative 
body. 

It follows therefore that the Frawley Committee has 
no legal existence, or legislative power, save as defined 
in the resolution adopted May 3, 1913, and above set 
forth; that it must report to the next Legislature in 
1914 ; and that the Legislature for 1913 is no longer in 
existence, and by virtue of the Constitution and the 
laws cannot meet again this year, except by the proc- 
lamation of the Governor. 

VALENTINE TAYLOR, 

Counsel to the Governor. 
Dated, July 24, 1913. 



STATEMENT BY THE GOVERNOR. 

Thursday Morning, July 24, 1913. 

" Several bills were passed by the Legislature 
last night," said Governor Sulzer to-day. " The 
newspaper correspondents inform me this morn- 
ing that there was not a quorum last night in 
either branch of the Legislature, and hence the 
passage of these bills was in violation of the Con- 
stitutional provision requiring that there shall be 
a quorum in each branch of the Legislature to pass 
a bill. 

''Article 3, section XV, of the Constitution pro- 
vides : 

" ' nor shall any bill be passed, except by the as- 
sent of the majority of the members elected to 
each branch of the legislature; ' 



14 



" 'mere were only seventeen Senators present, 
and only thirty-seven members of Assembly, in 
the legislative session last night — not a quorum 
in eithea House. These newspaper correspond- 
ents counted the members presenl and have their 
names. The facts cannot be successfully disputed. 

" However, section 40 of the Legislative Law 
provides : 

" ' Upon the passage of a bill or concurrent 
resolution by either house, the presiding officer 
thereof shall append to such bill or resolution, a 
certificate of the date of its passage by the votes 
of a majority of all the members elected to such 
House. No bills shall be deemed to have so passed 
unless certified by the presiding officer, which cer- 
tificate to such effect shall be conclusive evidence 
thereof.' 

" In the case of Matter of Stickney, 110 App. 
Div. 21)4 (1905) ; affd. 185 N. Y. 107. Writ of er- 
ror to review dismissed 209 U. S. 419 (1908). 

" The court in the opinion written by Appel- 
late Division questioned the constitutionality of 
seel ion 40 of the Legislative Law as regards the 
provision that the certificate of the presiding offi- 
cer shall be conclusive evidence of its contents. 

" The court intimated that such provision was 
not within the Legislature's authority to enact and 
that it was unconstitutional and void, it being in 
direct conflict with article 3, section XV, of the 
State Constitution (quoted above), which spccifi- 
cally provides: 

" ' Nor shall any bill be passed except by the 
assent of the majority of the members elected to 
each branch of the Legislature.' 



15 

" I sent for the Clerks of the Senate and the 
Assembly to-day," continued the Governor, " and 
requested the production of the records of the 
proceedings last night in the Legislature." 

"An examination of the Journals of the Senate 
and of the Assembly shows that 28 Senators were 
present and answered the roll call in the Senate ; 
and that 98 Assemblymen were present and an- 
swered the roll call in the Assembly on each of 
these bills. This is officially certified to by the 
Presiding officers of the two branches of the 
Legislature. 

"lam advised that I am bound by the official 
records of the Assembly and the Senate notwith- 
standing the facts. The courts, if any question 
arises, must determine the matter on the evidence 
submitted. 

" In view of this," said the Governor in con- _ 
elusion, " I shall not return these bills for the 
reasons stated. Assuming that I am bound by the 
official records of the Legislature as to the pres- 
ence of a quorum, I must say that I indulge the 
hope that in the future the Legislature will not 
falsify its records." 

MESSAGE OF THE GOVERNOR, JULY 23, 1913. 
State of New York — Executive Chamber. 

Albany, July 23, 1913. 
To the Legislature: 

The regular session of this Legislature convened this 
year on January 1, 1913, and it adjourned on May 3, 
1913. 

Prior to the thirty-day period for the consideration 
of measures by the Executive, the Legislature had 



li; 



ed Mini -cut to the Executive, for his consideration, 
bills. Of these 442 were approved. A memoran- 
dum was filed with 22 of the measures. There were 
recalled 74 hills; and L5 were yetoed with separate 

During the thirty-day period the Executive had 
under consideration 70] bills. Of these 35] were ap- 
proved; and 350 were vetoed, with 1!' memoranda of 
approval and 51 memoranda of disapproval. 

All told, 7!).'! hills were enacted into laws, out of a 
total of 1,232 bills, passed by the Legislature and sub- 
mitted to me for consideration. 

The financial hills passed by the Legislature, ex- 
cluding sinking fund and bond interesl hills, aggre- 
gated a total of $55,108,705.25, made up as follows: 

General appropriations $30,236,987 29 

General supply bill 6,916,922 60 

Special appropriations 17,054,795 36 



I approved $29,825,897.29 of the general appropria- 
tion hills; $4,178,505.73 of the general supply bill; and 
$13,778,862.21 of the special appropriation bills, mak- 
ing a total of $47',783,265.23. 

The total of financial items and bills which I vetoed 
amount to $7,325,440.02. 

During the regular session, the Legislature having 
failed to pass a hill for Direct Primaries, on May 8, 
1913, 1 issued a proclamation convening the Legisla- 
ture in extraordinary session to commence June L6, 
1913. 

This ext inordinary session of the Legislature was 
called for the purpose of considering the People's hill 
for Stat.' wide Direct Primaries. It has been in ses- 
s ion for a few minutes now and then for a period of 



17 



over a month, but has signally failed to pass a State- 
wide Direct Primary bill, containing provisions which 
I recommended, and which I believe should be on the 
statute books of our State. 

Since the extraordinary session convened, I have 
been urged, and for reasons which seemed to me to 
be quite sufficient, I have recommended for the con- 
sideration of the Legislature several other measures, 
concerning each of which I have sent to the Legis- 
lature a bill with a special message. They relate to 
the following matters : 

On June 18th, recommending the passage of a bill 
to submit to the voters of the State at the regular elec- 
tion in November, 1913, the question " Shall there be 
a convention to revise the Constitution and amend the 
same? " 

On June 23d, recommending temporary legislation 
relating to maintenance contracts on the highways. 

On June 23d, recommending the passage of a bill for 
the legal conveyance to the State, by the authorities 
of the city of New York, of the title to the land and 
appurtenances of the Long Island State Hospital. 

On June 24th, recommending the passage of a meas- 
ure exempting from sanitary inspection seed oyster 
beds within the State of New York. 

On June 24th, recommending the passage of a bill 
concerning the extension of the time when the law com- 
monly known as the " Housing Law," being Chapter 
774 of the Laws of 1913, shall take effect. 

On June 24th, recommending the passage of a bill 
providing for the direct tax for the payment of inter- 
est and principal due on the Slate debt. 

On .June 25th, recommending necessary legislation 
relating to the appropriation by the State of toll 
bridges crossing the canals. 



is 



On June 25th, recommending Legislation concerning 
ilic operation of the proposed terminal railway in the 
Borongh of Brooklyn. 

On Jnne 25th, recommending that Chapter -Mi.", of 
the Laws of 1913, entitled "An acl to amend the Labor 
Law, in relation to bakeries," should not be effective 
againsl cellar bakeries until a certain time after May 
!), L913, when the law went into effect. 

On June 25th, recommending necessary Legislation 
tn aid t lie Stale Architect 's office in doing its import a nt 
work. 

<)n July 8th, recommending the enactment of the 
optional city charter bill. 

( Mi .Inly Kith, recommending the enactment of essen- 
tial legislation to relieve disgraceful prison conditions 
in the State of Xew Fork. 

Since the convening of this extraordinary session 1 
have sent the following- appointments to the Senate 
for confirmation : 

To Be a Trustee of Cornell University: 

John DoWitt Warner, of New York city, a former 
Member of Congress, and a well-known lawyer. He 
is an alumnus of the university and peculiarly qualified 
for the duties of the office. 

For Commissioners of the State Reservation at 
Niagara: 

Elton T. Ransom, of Ransomville, N. Y. 
Ahram .J. Elias, of Buffalo, N. V. 
John L. Romer, of Buffalo, N. Y. 
Obadiah \\\ Cutler, of Niagara Falls, N. Y. 

These gentlemen are well-known citizens who take 

a deej) and an abiding interest in the affairs of this 
reservation. 



19 

Foe Public Service Commissioners, Second District : 

William E. Leffingwell, of Watkins, N. Y., to succeed 
Frank W. Stevens, resigned. 

Mr. Leffingwell was formerly a conspicuous Member 
of Assembly. He is a successful business man of much 
experience and well qualified for the position. 

Charles J. Chase, of Croton-on-IIudson, N. Y., to 
succeed Curtis N. Douglas, term expired. 

Mr. Chase has been connected with the New York 
Central and Hudson River railroad for more than 
twenty years as a locomotive engineer. He is indorsed 
by railroad organizations, as well as by bankers, mer- 
chants, clergymen and distinguished citizens. 

For Commissioner of Labor: 

James M. Lynch, of Syracuse, N. Y., to succeed John 
Williams, resigned. 

Mr. Lynch is one of the foremost labor leaders in 
America. He is the President of the International 
Typographical Union, whose membership numbers 
more than 50,000 enrolled printers. Representatives 
from the allied printing trades; various labor organi- 
zations, and many prominent citizens indorse Mr. 
Lynch for this important position. It is generally 
admitted he is well qualified to perform its arduous 
duties. 

For Commissioner of Prisons: 

James T. Murphy, of Ogdensburg, N. Y., to succeed 
Edgar A. Newell, term expired. 

Mr. Murphy is a well-known merchant of Ogdens- 
burg, and lakes great interest in these institutions. 

Rudolph F. Diedling, M. P., of Saugerties-on-Hud- 

SOn, N. Y., to succeed Simon Quick, term expired. 



20 



Dr. Diedling was at one time Burgeon of the Elmira 
Reformatory, and is very conversant with the dutii - 
of the office for which be has been selected. 

Fob Trustee of the New York State Hospital fob 
the Treatment of [nctpient Pulmonary Tubeb 
culosis: 

George L. Brown, of Elizabethtown, X. Y., to succeed 
Martin E. Mc( llary, resigned. 

Mr. Brown is a well-known and respected citizen of 
Elizabethtown ; editor of a newspaper, and the presenl 
1 'ostmaster. 

Fob Trustee <m the State College of Forestry at 
s\ racuse universh 5 : 

Francis Hendricks, of Syracuse, N. Y., to succeed 
George E. Dunham, heretofore appointed and unable 
to serve. 

Mr. Hendricks is a highly respectable citizen of 
Syracuse. He was formerly State Senator; Collector 
of the Port of New York, and State Superintendent of 
1 1 1 mi ranee. 

Fob Hell Gate Pilot: 

Alberl A. Fordham, of the City Island, N. Y., reap- 
pointed. Was appointed in L912 upon the recommen- 
dation of the Board of Port Wardens. 

Fob Fibe Island State Park Commissioners: 

Colonel Alfred Wagstaff, of New York city, to sue 
v(h^\ Samuel L. Parish, who declined reappointment. 

Colonel WagstafE is too well known to need intro- 
duction. He resides on Long Island and is the Clerk 
of the Appellate Division, Supreme Court, First De- 
partment. 



21 



James W. Eaton, of Babylon, N. Y., to succeed John 
H. Vail, term expired. 

Mr. Eaton is a large property holder and actively 
interested in the development of the South Shore of 
Long Island. 

Edward Blum, of the Borough of Brooklyn, reap- 
pointed. 

Mr. Blum is a prominent business man and- has 
served continuously in this office since its organization 
in 1908, performing very efficient service. 

These recommendations and these nominations 
speak for themselves; they are made in the interest 
of the common weal, and I indulge in the hope that 
the Legislature will consider them on their merits, ere 
the adjournment of this extraordinary session. 

Of course I am aware of the inconvenience imposed 
upon the members of both branches of the Legislature 
through the necessity of their attendance at this 
extraordinary session, and I appreciate that the con- 
sideration of certain charges in the Cohalan case may 
have prevented the consideration of some of these 
legislative matters. However, there is no reason now 
why all these matters should not be speedily considered 
and promptly disposed of — one way or the other. 

The Legislature must recognize that its continu- 
ance in session adds largely to the burdens of the tax- 
payers through necessary expense; and while it is 
proper that the pending matters should receive careful 
consideration, it is respectfully suggested, in the inter- 
est of economy, that they be disposed of at the earliest 
possible time, and the Legislature then adjourn. 

It is useless to deny that at the present season of 
the year it is extremely difficult to secure the presence 
o!' a quorum to pass legislation, but 1 feel confident 
that an announcement by the legislative leaders. 



1*2 



strictlj adhered to, thai pending legislation must be 
promptly considered by the votes of all the member . 
will accomplish the desired result; and to thai pur- 
pose, I respectfully urge again thafl the measure 
recommended by me receive immediate and favorable 
consideration. 

With the view of assisting the speedy dispatch of 
pending legislative business, and of reducing to a 
minhnum the necessary expense of this extraordinary 
■ 3ioD of the Legislature, I hereby announce, for the 
information of the members, and all others interested, 
thai I shall recommend to this extraordinary session 
no further legislation. 

For the reasons herein stated, 1 now earnestly argi 
tin prompt consideration, by this Legislature, of pend- 
ing measures; and by the Senate, the early action 
upon the appointments I have submitted, to the end 
that the genera] welfare be promoted; the convenience 
of the members conserved, and the expenses to the 
taxpayers of a protracted session reduced to the mini- 
mum. 

WM. SULZER. 



23 



From The Evening Sun, New York, July 21, 1913. 



INSIDE STORY OF SULZER WAR WITH MUR- 
PHY TOLD AT LAST BY THE GOVERNOR 
HIMSELF — " BOSS " REGARDED HIM AS 
PROXY, BUT WAS SOON DISILLUSIONED — 
REALLY RULES NOW THROUGH LEGISLA- 
TURE. 

[From a Staff Correspondent of The Evening Sun.] 

Albany, July 21. — William Sulzer has been Gov- 
ernor of New York for six months and twenty days, 
and they have been months and days of trial and 
trouble, not only for him, but for every enemy of good 
government. 

" I am the Governor," he said; " the people elected 
me to execute the laws. I shall do it, ' ' and his square 
jaws snapped. 

Governor Sulzer is a revelation to old timers in 
Albany. There has never been a man here just like 
him. Much of what he said when he became Governor 
was not taken seriously, but the politicians have been 
connecting up his early remarks with his perform- 
ances, as he has thrown consternation into their ranks, 
and they now take him too seriously. 

In many respects William Sulzer is an enigma. The 
more you study him at close range the less apparently 
you can define his thoughts, fathom his motives and 
comprehend the purport of his sayings. 

However, his most implacable enemy is forced to 
admit two things: First, that he is absolutely honest, 
and, second, that he is sincere. No matter what any- 
body thought at Hie beginning, no man doubts these 
things now. 



24 



The critics now remember these words in Sulzer's 
inaugural address : 

•'The hour has struck, and the task of admin- 
istrative reform is mine. The cause is the cause 
of the Stale and is worthy of the zealous efforts 
of any man. I grasp the opportunity the people 
now give me, and am resolved to shirk no respon- 
sibility ; to work for the welfare of the people; to 
correct every existing abuse; to abolish useless 
offices, and whenever possible consolidate bureaus 
and commissions to secure greater economy and 
more efficiency; to uproot official corruption and 
to raise higher the standard of official integrity; 
to simplify the methods of orderly administra- 
tion; to advance the prosperity of all the people; 
to be ever dissatisfied with conditions that can be 
improved; to promote the common weal; to guard 
the honor and protect the rights of the Empire 
State; and last, hut not least, to reduce govern- 
mental expenditures to the minimum and thus 
lessen as much as possible the heavy burdens of 
luxation." 

When Sulzer became Governor he revolutionized the 
policies of the Executive Chamber, lie declared that 
every action of the Governor would lie open and above 
board; thai all official papers in the Executive Cham- 
ber would be public, and thai every man, woman and 
child in the State who wanted i<> see him could do so, 
at the big desk, in the big room. 

Tn e W.u op Sulzer. 

lie said he Would See Hie newspaper I'epreseu I a t i \'es 

twice a day, al 11 o'clock in the morning and at 4 

o'clock iii Hie afternoon, and would talk to them 



25 



frankly regarding matters of public moment, and that 
no politician of high or low degree would be able to 
talk to him privately in his back room. 

These declarations were precedent breakers and the 
doubting Thomases, who for years have watched the 
human moves on the political checkerboard at the Cap- 
itol, simply snickered. 

But Sulzer began at once to do things. He wanted 
to know about everything. He began inquiries, he 
started investigations and he declared that his pur- 
pose was to put the State on an honest business basis 
by greater economies and more efficiencies that would 
save money for the taxpayers. 

Mr. Sulzer has worked eighteen hours out of the 
twenty-four. He comes to the office at 8 o 'clock in the 
morning and seldom leaves it until 8 o'clock at night. 
He has public officials on the jump and he works stenog- 
raphers nearly to death. The newspaper men at the 
beginning said he could keep it up about two weeks. At 
the expiration of two weeks they said he would be in 
the hospital with nervous prostration in a month. Six 
months, however, have come and gone since then and 
Sulzer is keeping it up and apparently is now in better 
health and finer physical trim than he was at the begin- 
ning. 

He doesn't even go to the People's House for lunch. 
Every day at noon Mrs. Sulzer scuds him over a sand- 
wich. He eats little, works hard and tells his friends 
that he sleeps well, and on the average he cannot get 
more than five hours' sleep out of the twenty-four. 

Sulzer is a marvel, lie sees everybody who comes 
to see him. The Executive Chamber is tree and open 
to all. On an average he meets more than two hun- 
dred people every day. How he dors i! all is wonder- 



26 



l'ul. Besides bis mail is ten times larger than any 
previous Governor ever received, and he reads tnosl of 
the Letters and answers mosl of them himself. 

GoVERNOB's Ilol'F.s. 

ki Whatever I do as Governor," he says, kk will 
always be open to all and above board. 1 confide in 
the people, and 1 hope when my official term comes 
to an end that I shall have accomplished something 
to merit their approval and to justify the confidence 
they have reposed in the rectitude of my intentions, 
lly administration will in the last, analysis be judged 
not by what 1 say, but what I do." 

After the Governor talked with the newspaper men 
this morning I sat with him for an hour at the big 
desk in the Executive Chamber. Dozens of people 
were around waiting for an opportunity to gel the 
Governor's ear. They were office seekers. State 
officials and friends from all parts of the State. Sulzer 
will see them all and hear them all before he goes into 
the back room at '2 o'clock to talk to his secretaries 
and go over the correspondence of the day with the 
stenographers. 

Notwithstanding all his trials and his troubles he 
appeared calm and imperturbable. lie looks you 
straight in the eye; talks very deliberately and im- 
presses you with his earnestness. Be has aged some 
-in ce he became Governor. There are lines of care on 

his sad, boyish face; and now and then a nervous 
twitching around bis close set mouth and determined 
chin show the mental stress he is under and goes 
through day in and day out, 

"Governor," said The Sun correspondent, " wilj, 
you take a vacation this summer! " 



27 



Rest? Not Sulzek. 

" No," he said, " I never take a vacation. Hard 
work agrees with me. When I get tired of doing one 
thing I do another. That is my only recreation. 
When the extraordinary session of the Legislature 
adjourns, and of course it will not adjourn until Mr. 
Murphy tells it to adjourn, I shall go around the State 
a bit to look into certain institutions and familiarize 
myself by ocular demonstration with their condition 
and management. That will be interesting and in- 
structive to me and I shall be better prepared to look 
after them next year. I have many invitations to 
deliver addresses, but have accepted very few. 

" My duty is to stay here and earn the wages the 
people pay me, by a conscientious performance of the 
duties that come before me every day. I have only 
been away from Albany a few T days since I became 
Governor — to attend the President's inauguration; 
to speak at Gettysburg, and to talk to the people a bit 
about direct primaries. 

" When I became Governor I made up my mind that 
I would be the Governor in fact as well as in name. 
Many doubted that, you know, the first part of Jan- 
nary, but nobody doubts it now. 

"As the Governor," he continued, " I determined 
that no influence should control me in the performance 
of my duty but the dictates of my conscience and my 
obligations to tin 1 people. T have adhered tenaciously 
to that thus far and 1 shall stick to it until the end, 
come what may. 

11 Ever since I have been Governor obstacles have 
been placed in my way by men high in the councils of 
my party because 1 wanted to do what 1 believed was 
v\"-\\\ and wli;:< I promised to do when I was a candi- 
date for Governor." 



28 



■• Do you expect the Senate to confirm your recent 
appointments? " the Governor was asked. 

" Ye>," he promptly answered. 

•• Mr. Lynch, for Labor Commissioner; Mr. Chase 
and Mr. Lemngwell, for Public Service Commissioners, 
should be confirmed and they will be unless Mr. Mur- 
phy tells the Senate to the contrary." 

"Not Mtjbphy's Appointments." 
" These are good appointments," went on the Gov- 
ernor, "of honest men, peculiarly qualified for the 
performance of the duties required. These nomina- 
tions should be confirmed on their merits. However, 
what is the use of diseussing that, when you know that 
Mr. Murphy is the Legislature, and it does just what 

lie tells it to. 

,k 'Idle people know these nominations are not Mr. 
Murphy's. They are mine. I selected them, and I 
did so very carefully. They were highly recommended, 
and no one can question the capabilities of the candi- 
dates. Jt' they are not confirmed it will not be my 
fault, but because they are not Mr. Murphy's nomina- 
tions. Von know Mr. Murphy wanted me to appoinl 
" Idle " McManus for Labor Commissioner, and 
•• Paekey " McCabe and George Palmer for Public 
Service ( lommissioners. I refused. My appointments, 
I believe, are better. At all events 1 know they are 
mine and made in the interest of the general welfare. 

" Let me tell ymi this," said the Governor, " I would 
have no trouble with the members of the Legislature 
if it were not for outside influences and the dictations 
of Mr. Murphy. The members of the Legislature and 
I worked together very well at the beginning, and we 
wrote on the statute hooks some very tfood constructive 
laws. If Mr. Murphy had not interfered we would 



29 



have carried out every promise we made to the people 
in the last campaign." 

" How did the trouble begin with Mr. Murphy! " 
the Governor was asked. 

" Murphy Thought He Was Governor." 
" That is a long story," he replied. " Some day I 
will tell it, but at present I am too busy to go into the 
details. Suffice it to say that ni} r trouble with Mr. 
Murphy began soon after I took my oath of office. 
Mr. Murphy had the notion that he was the Governor 
and that the people had elected me to be a proxy. I 
promptly disabused the mind of Mr. Murphy about 
it. He got mad. I told him that no boss could make 
me a rubber stamp; that the people elected me the 
Governor; and that while I was in office I would be 
the Governor. 

" Then more trouble arose over appointments. Mr. 
Murphy wanted me to name the men ho selected as 
candidates for public office, in order to strengthen his 
machine, reward his friends and persecute his enemies. 
I refused to allow him to do it. All factions of the 
Democratic party supported me for Governor, and I 
wanted to be fair to everybody and treat all Demo- 
crats, in every county, squarely. It goes without say- 
ing that this was just what Mr. Murphy did not want. 
" Mr. Murphy and I could not agree about appoint- 
ments; we could not agree about policies; and we were 
as far apart as the poles concerning publie duties. 
Trouble began from the beginning. It grew every day. 
It reached the climax when 1 emphatically refused to 
appoint Jim Gaffnoy Commissioner of Highways. 

" G.\Ki'X:;v OB War." 
" Then the ultimatum was issued by the boss — 
' GalTney or war.' I accepted the challenge. The 
hat tie has been raging ever since. Many other things 



30 



have added fuel to the dames. The war has been going 
on since the middle of April. 1 shall oot surrender. 
There will be do compromise bo far as I am concerned. 
.Mr. Murphy can't be the Governor during my term." 

•• Why <li<l Mr. Murphy order the Senate to reject 
John Mitchell for Labor Oommissionerl " the Gover- 
nor was asked. 

" That is a matter I never could find out," he 
replied. " I was responsible for Mr. Mitchell's nomi- 
nation. I sent for liim ami urged him to accept tic 
offie". because I knew In- was one of the best qualified 
men on earth to do the work of this great department. 
Yon remember I said when I made the appointment 
that John Mitchell as Labor Commissioner would be 
a valuable asset to tin- State of New York. Murphy 
ordered his defeat for reasons which he has never 

>lained. They tell me the National Association of 
Manufacturers lias something to do with it. Sooner 
or later the truth will come out. The best we could do 
was to get 19 votes in the Senate for the confirmation 
of Mr. Mitchell. We needed 26. 

Tubning to 'Lynch. 

" "When I found out," said the Governor, lk that it 
was an impossibility to get Mr. Mitchell confirmed I 
looked around for another candidate, and finally on 
the advice of friends of both capital and labor I 
-'hctcd James M. Lynch, the president of the Interna- 
tional Typographical Union. He i- Indorsed by the 
Democratic committee of Onondaga county, by labor 
organizations generally and by many distinguished 
citizens of our State. Mr. Lynch is a man of ability. 
His honesty has never been questioned. He is an 
organizer and understands the duties of the office for 
which I have selected him. If ho is confirmed by the 
Senate — and he certainly ought to be — there is no 



31 



doubt that lie will make a great Commissioner and 
carry out the purposes of the reorganized Labor De- 
partment. 

" Of course you know the Democrats in the last 
State convention wrote a plank in their platform that 
if the party were successful it would put a practical 
railroad man on the Public Service Commission. I 
want to make that pledge good. Mr. Chase was recom- 
mended to me for this position by the State Federation 
of Labor and by the railway organizations as a man 
essentially fitted by ability and experience for the 
place. Nothing can be said against the capacity or 
the character of Mr. Chase. If the Democrats in the 
Senate are sincere regarding platform promises and 
Mr. Murphy does not order them to reject the nomina- 
tion, it follows Mr. Chase will be confirmed. 

" Mr. Leffingwell is one of the best known men along 
our southern tier. He stands high in the estimation of 
his fellow citizens and was recommended for Public 
Service Commissioner by the leading Democrats of 
the southern counties in our State. Nothing can be 
said against his Democracy or his character or his 
ability. 

Again Murphy's Hand in It. 

" If these nominations are rejected it is simply 
because Mr. Murphy did not name them, and hence 
will not have them. That has been the trouble from the 
beginning. When Mr. Murphy cannot have his own 
way he sulks and orders the Legislature ami other 
Slate departments, which he controls, to block my 
efforts to do what 1 believe to be right and for the 
best interests of the people generally. As a matter of 
fact, I cannot submit to Mr. Murphy's dictation and 
maintain my self-respect. W he is in be the Governor 
I do not wan I the job. 



32 



li During the la I campaign they (ill me I spoke to 
more people than anj other candidate for office in all 
the history of the Stale I told the people simple 
truths Prom the bottom of my heart. Many doubted 
the sincerity of my speeches in the last campaign, luit 
there was one man who never doubted the sincerity of 
those speeches, and that was the man who is now the 
Governor of I lie State 

" It is ail \cr\ simple to me because 1 am a simple 
man. I am just the same to day as I was in the Legi 
lature a quarter of century ago. I am just the same 
today as 1 was in Congress. I haven't changed. I 
don't intend to change. Others have changed, and if 
the fighl is on i! is their fault and not mine. 

Has Burned Last Bridge. 

"My fight for direct primaries burned the la t 
bridge between me and Tammany Hall. Mr. Murphy 
thought I made this fighl for dired nominations be- 
cause I wanted to dislodge his leadership. He is wrong 
about that. I made the fighl because the Democratic 

party had made the pledge to enact a State wide direct 
primary law. 'That 's all. 

" The Democratic party promised the people in the 
1,-1-1 campaign thai if it were successful it would give 
them among other things — a State-wide direct pri- 
mary law. 

" I ran for the Governorship on the platform of the 
Syracuse convention, and after I was nominated I 
stood on it throughout the campaign — squarely and 

honestly. 

"At the request of my party I made a campaign 
through the State. I told the people that if I were 
elected I won Id do everything in my power to carry out 
the pledges of my partj as enunciated in tin 1 Syracuse 
platform. 



33 

" When I cannot be honest in politics I shall get out 
of politics. I believe honesty in politics will succeed 
just the same as I believe honesty in business will 
succeed. If any one doubts that all he has to do is to 
think of what has been accomplished in this country 
during the past quarter of a century by the men who 
have dared to be true in politics. 

" When I make a promise to the people I keep it 
or I frankly tell the people why I cannot keep it. 
When my party makes a promise to the people I want 
my party to keep the promise or I want the people to 
know the reason why." 



From The Evening Mail, New York, July 24, 1913. 



MURPHY AND BARNES IN SULZER WAR 
STRANGLE GOVERNMENT OF STATE — 
LEGISLATURE, COSTING PEOPLE $1,000 A 
DAY, WILL NEITHER ENACT LEGISLATION 
DEMANDED BY PEOPLE THROUGH GOV- 
ERNOR, NOR ADJOURN TO AFFORD HIM 
OPPORTUNITY TO APPOINT MEN WHO 
WILL CARRY ON BUSINESS OF THE STATE 
— THOUSANDS SEND SULZER MESSAGES 
URGING DIM TO FIGHT TO THE END. 
By James Ceeelman. 
(By telegraph to The Evening Mail.) 
Albany, July 24.— It is time that the people should 
realize the open shame of the situation in which the 
government of New York State lias actually broken 
down in the brutal attempt of Boss Murphy, with the 
assistance of Boss Barnes, to punish and wreck Gov- 
ernor Sulzer for daring to show independence of his 
orders. 



34 



The Bpectacle id Albany today is aol only disgrace 
t'nl, lull extremely costly to the taxpayers, who are 
paying $1,000 a day Eor the extra expense of a legit 
lature that stays in mock session without acting, simply 
in prevent the Governor from removing and appoint- 
ing officials and to intimidate him by threats of ini 
peachment. 

The two bosses have strangled the government of 
9,000,000 inhabitants of an area of more than 49,000 
square miles, and they propose to keep it strangled by 
continuing the farce of a legislative session at an extra 
cost of $1,0(10 a day until the end of the year if 
necessary. 

It is an almost unbelievable sight in the capital of 
the greatesl and richest State in the Union. 

Down in the vasl Executive Chamber sits Governor 
Sulzer, with the portraits of Tilden, Cleveland, Roose- 
velt and Hughes Btaring at him from the mahogany 
paneled walls. 

It is a place of magnificent stateliness, an audience- 
room tit for an emperor. 

Urge " No Stjrbendeb ! " 

A steady procession of visitors moves past the Gov- 
ernor's desk with earnest and sometimes passionate 
messages from all over the State, urging him not to 
surrender to the bosses and to keep up the people's 
! " hi for Stale-wide direct primaries. 

Troops of summer tourists, farmers, school girls and 
what not, pass murmuringly over the quarter-acre of 
crimson carpet, look at the pictured walls, the re 
splendent and mighty lire place and the high, raftered 
ceiling — watching with awkward, sidewise glances 
the throngs about the fall, shanky. restless Governor 
tinst whom the malevolenl and secret power of cor- 
rupt ring politics is concent rated. 



35 



Up-stairs the royally gorgeous halls of the Senate 
and Assembly are empty and the dim light shines on 
marbles, gildings and carvings without disclosing a 
human form. 

Yet the Legislature is in extraordinary session and 
the taxpayers are paying $1,000 a day to its employees. 
Three or four members of each house are in Albany, 
only to meet and take a recess every two or three days. 

Really No Legislature. 

The Legislature has refused to pass the direct pri- 
mary law it was called together to enact. It has re- 
fused to pay any attention to the Governor's recom- 
mendations. It refuses to adjourn, because that 
would allow the Governor to make ad interim appoint- 
ments and go on with the work of government, which 
to-day is paralyzed. 

As a matter of fact, there is no Legislature. The 
men who are paid to make the laws for New York 
merely carry out the orders of the Tammany and 
Republican bosses. 

Boss Murphy is playing golf on Long Island. He 
issues his daily commands to Albany over the long- 
distance telephone. They are obeyed to the letter. 

Twice a week Boss Barnes goes to the room of Sen- 
ator Brown, the Republican " leader," and makes 
known his will. 

Bosses Act Together. 

The two bosses act together against G-overnor Sulzer 
without any pretense of partisan division. 

Not only does the Legislature ignore the Governor 
and defeat the work of government by refusing to ad 
journ, but it cut out of the general supply bill the 
$30,000 that has always been given to the Executive 



36 

for investigations, and refuses to Lei him have a dollar 
to enable him to search out and punish grafters in 
the Highway Department, Conservation Department, 
Prison Departmenl and other places where ringsters 
have been getting fat. 

The extraordinary thing about this is thai it has 
been customary to vote these executive investigating 
funds, even to Governors of hostile political faith-. 

Govt rnor Sulzer has been left without a dollar to 
employ investigators and go on with the work of rid- 
ding the departments of grafters and incompetents. 

Nothing like it has been seen in New York before. 

Tammany Leadebs Boasting. 

The Tammany leaders openly boast that they have 
deprived the Governor of < verything except the powt r 
to employ stt nographers. 

They have refused to confirm the important appoint- 
ments he has made, and they insist on keeping up the 
sham legislative session — at $1,000 a day extra — so 
that he cannot till the offices between sessions. 

This is the degraded and disastrous effect of a boss- 
dominated Legislature niton the public business of the 
State to-day. 

And all because Governor Sulzt r would not put B — 
Murphy's henchman Gaffney vn control of the $66,000,- 
000 which is being spent on public roads, and insisted 
on pressing for an honest direct primary law against 
the will of the Murphy-Barnes conspiracy to perpetu- 
al boss rale in politics and government. 

Boss .\lmph> controls the Attorney-General and the 
State ( Jomptroller. 

Because the Governor removed Superintendent of 
Prisons Scott and appointed Superintendent Riley in 
his place Murphy's Comptroller has refused to pay 



37 

the employees of the State's prisons and reforma- 
tories, and Murphy's Attorney-General has been asked 
for a legal opinion which, if it is adverse, will compel 
1 he Governor to resort to the courts in order to carry 
on the prison and reformatory work. 

Because the Governor refused to appoint Murphy's 
man Commissioner of Labor, Murphy's Legislature 
refused to confirm the Governor's appointment, and 
to-day the Labor Department, charged with the en- 
forcement of the factory laws, is directed by a second 
deputy without power to make appointments or take 
any important executive action. 

Because Mr. Carlisle, the Commissioner of High- 
ways, would not make Murphy appointments, Mur- 
phy's Comptroller refuses to pay the salaries of many 
of Mr. Carlisle's most important deputies, and he is 
seriously crippled in the vast new highways work 
which is costing $66,000,000. 

Muephy's Theeat. 

It was on April 13 that Governor Sulzer saw Boss 
Murphy for the last time and left with the threat ring- 
ing in his ears, " I'll have you out of office in six 
months." 

Since then the ring has tried to blackmail him into 
obedience; has trailed him night and day with hired 
spies; has sent private detectives to search his record 
in Washington, in Albany, in New York city, in Alaska 
and in his boyhood home in New Jersey. 

But the thing that should arouse Hie people to a 
realizing sense of danger is thai in their fierce desire 
for vengeance the bosses have actually deprived Hi'' 
I overnor of even a dollar with which to investigate 
wrong-doing in the great Slide departments and have 
deliberately broken down the administ ration of the 
government. 



38 



Not < >xk Voice os Prog i 

And hi the pri sence of this appalling work of corrupt 
machine politicians not our responsible Republican 
voice has been raised in public protest. 

Yet, although the State government has been broken 
down, and the mock Legislature laughs at the wreck 
of things and the temporary helplessness of the Gov- 
ernor to get at the grafters, thousands upon thousand- 
of letters pour into the Executive Chamber — m 
sages of comfort and encouragement from citizens in 
ever>- city, town and village of W\v York, bidding the 
Governor to stand his ground and wait for the ap 
proachhig day when the people will take the Legisla- 
ture into their own hands. 



From The Evening Mail. New York, July 25, H>13. 



"IT'S ORDERS," SULZEE IS TOLD ON AP- 
PEALING TO TAMMANY LEADERS — GOV- 
ERNOR SAYS UTS FREQUENT REQ1 ESTS 
THAT LEGISLATIVE LET WHEELS- OF 
GOVERNMENT MOVE AGAIN BRING ONLY 
THE SAME ANSWER — MURPHY, TELE- 
PHONING FROM good GROUND GOLF LINKS 
TWICE DAILY AND NOT RESPONSIBLE To 
PEOPLE, MAKES STATE POWERLESS- 
SULZER DECLARES HE WILL APPEAL To 
PEOPLE ONCE MORE FOR REMEDY. 

By James < 'ia i lman, 

(By telegraph to The Evening Mail.) 

Albaxv, .Inly l'5. — With the State government 
brokm down by the refusal of Boss Murphy's Legis- 



39 



lature to confirm Governor Sulzer 's appointments or 
to adjourn so that he can make recess appointments, 
and with Murphy's State Comptroller holding up the 
pay-rolls of the Prison Department and preventing 
the letting of millions of dollars' worth of new high- 
way contracts — to say nothing of the fact that the 
Labor Department, which guards the safety of the 
factory workers, is without a head — -I asked Gov- 
ernor Sulzer to-day whether he had ever appealed to 
the Tammany leaders in the Legislature to relieve the 
people from the peril of a paralyzed State adminis- 
tration. 

" I have appealed to them again and again," he 
said. 

"And what do they say? " 

" ' Orders ' is their only explanation." 

Mr. Sulzer clasped his hands under his coat tail and 
threw his head back as he paced the room. The lines 
in his lean face hardened and his gray eyes grew cold. 
For all his nervous energy;, he looked tired and worn. 

Murphy 'Phones Oedees Twice Daily. 

' ' That is all the answer I can get from the lead- 
ers in the legislature — ' orders. ' 

" What does that mean? " 

" It means Mr. Murphy. The truth is that there 
is no real legislature in this state just now — there 
is only Mr. Murphy, who sends his orders here 
twice a day over the long-distance telephone. 

" But have you explained to the leaders the fact 
that the executive government is paralyzed and 
that the public interests are being sacrificed? 

" I have. But I get only one reply — ' orders.' " 



40 



NOT \ I lOLLAB FOB 1 M'l'IKV. 

It seems hard to believe thai a single political boss, 
idling «)ii the Long Island golf links, is able to control 
ili«- Legislature and render the Governor of a greal 
state powerless to carry on the administrative govern- 
ment. 

Yet there is the testimony of the Governor himself. 

And what crimes of grafting and extravagance may 
be going unpunished in the greal State departments 
while the Murphy Legislature denies the Governor 
even a dollar to make investigations no man can say. 

As Mr. Sulzer revealed the astounding conditions to 
which the war of bosses for control have reduced the 
government of the State, the tallies and chair.- aboul 
him, and the Iloor itself, were piled with an indescrib- 
able ruck of letters from all parts of the State urging 
him not to allow himself to be starved into surrender. 

Will Appeal to People. 

" But, Mr. Sulzer, things cannot go on long in 
this way. What are von going to do? " 

" I am going to go to the people again and tell 
them what has happened. The voters of the state 
will find a remedy. L cannot and will not allow 
any political boss to he the real governor, no mat- 
ter what happens, and 1 believe that the people will 
support me." 

As the regularly elected Governor of the State, Mr. 
Sulzer is responsible for the Department of Public 
Works, which is spending $100,000,000 on the barge 
canal work; the Conservation Department, which 
spends aboul $3,500,000 a year and lias vast powers in 
the condemnation of land-; the Kxcise Department, 
which handles something like $20,000,000 a year; the 



41 

Board of Charities, the Board of Elections, the Agri- 
cultural Department. 

Tragedy Growing Blacker. 

These are in the hands of Tammany men. The Gov- 
ernor is without money to investigate them. If he re- 
moves the heads, the Legislature will refuse to allow 
him to provide successors and Murphy's Comptroller 
will decline to recognize vouchers or pay bills. 

Murphy's Attorney-General and his deputies are bit- 
terly hostile, and the Governor is unable to hire a 
lawyer to advise him. 

The tragedy grows blacker every day and the Gov- 
ernor is fighting desperately to carry on the govern- 
ment, while Boss Murphy laughs on the Long Island 
golf links. 

Millions Being Wasted. 

The refusal of the State Comptroller and the Legis- 
lature to allow the Department of Highways to make 
emergency repairs, without the slow process of adver- 
tising for bids and printing contracts, means that per- 
haps $8,000,000 damage will be done to roads that 
might have been saved by immediate action. 

Nor will the Comptroller recognize a single voucher 
signed by the wardens of the Sing Sing and Clinton 
prisons, declining to pay even for the transportation 
of prisoners, so that yesterday the New York Central 
Railroad Company agreed to carry Sing Sing prison- 
ers on the Governor's personal assurance that some- 
how the bills would be paid. 

So desperate is the situation thai the Legislature it- 
self is actually borrowing funds from the banks and de- 
fiantly spending money denied by the Governor's veto. 



!_' 



Advised to Remove Hosg iles. 

1m this extraordinary crisis the Governor lias been 
advised to remove the hostile Tammany heads of de- 
partments at once, and, if the Murphy Barnes Legis- 
lature refuses to confirm their successors or remains 
in session in order to prevent him from filling the va- 
cancies, assign deputies to direct the work, Bign the 
vouchers himself, and through the courts compel the 
( lomptroller to paj the bills. 

A - matters stand the Governor of the great State of 
New York, which spends $56,000,000 a year, is helpless 
to go into any of the State departments controlled by 
Tammany and find out what is going on. Yet only nine* 
months ago he was overwhelmingly elected to direct the 
government as the responsible representive of nine 
million persons. 

Even the Bureau of Efficiency, created by Governor 
Sulzer's request, is under Tammany influence and can- 
not be depended upon to make Investigations. 

All this is a tremendous joke to Boss Murphy on the 
golf links. He does not even have to visit Albany to 
strike down the State government. It is all done by 
long distance telephone. Tin 1 hoss grows rosier and 
happier while the hardworking, harassed Governor 
grows thinner and paler. 

Nothing Like It Sinck Tweeu Days. 

It is the most daring and defiant exhibition of DOS! 
power and ruthless disregard of public opinion that 
has been seen since the day- of Tweed. 

The Hat refusal of the sham Legislature to act or to 

adjourn, ami the repeated statements of the Leaders to 

the Governor that they are acting under " orders " — 

remember the word — literally means that in a certain 

-e there La no responsi hie government in the State, 



43 

and heaven only knows what official villianies are being 
hidden from the public and the grand juries. 

GHASTLY JOKE ON PEOPLE. 

It is a political joke to Boss Murphy, perhaps ; but it 
is a ghastly joke on the taxpayers of New York, the ul- 
timate possibilities of which are suggested by the hor- 
rible Binghamton fire tragedy, while the Labor Depart- 
ment, charged with the protection of factory workers, 
is left headless and without the new force of inspectors 
provided by law, because the Governor would not let 
Murphy name the Labor Commissioner. 

It may be that no future Democratic Governor of 
New York will ever forget the punishment inflicted on 
Governor Sulzer for daring to be independent of " or- 
ders," and then it may be that Boss Murphy and all 
the bosses — Barnes included — who have supported 
him in his savage fight against the people 's direct pri- 
mary bill, will have cause to remember the irresistible 
power of an aroused public opinion. 

There will be a new Assembly elected this year. 
With the lower branch of the Legislature in the hands 
of men independent of the Murphy-Barnes combination 
the doors will be opened for the grand juries, the State 
administration can be put on an honest and economical 
basis and the way prepared for a State-wide direct 
primary law that will sweep away boss domination in 
politics and government and make impossible a repeti- 
tion of the shameful and disastrous spectacle which 
Albany presents to-day. 

Direct Primaries the Remedy. 

It is no longer a question of Mr. Sulzer 's political 
fortunes. The situation has got far beyond that. Mr. 
Snlzer is simply an incident. 



1 1 

The real Issue is whether a political boss can control 
the Legislature and absolutely destroy the administra- 
tive power of the State government by " orders " over 
a long distance telephone. 

Go to the Governor as he sits working amid the in- 
creasing litter of messages rained in on him by the peo- 
ple, and lie will tell you that the members of the Legis- 
lature are not personally had — that they worked well 
with him until he angered Murphy — but that they are 
the helpless instrumentalities of the boss system in pol 
itics, and that until that is smashed once and for all by 
a peal dired primary law, decent and independent gov- 
ernment in New York is almost impossible. 



SPEECB OF GOVEBNOB SULZEE IN Tills 
OPEBA HOUSE, COINING, NEW YOBK, 
NooN, MAY 20, L913. 

( Stenographically Reporte< I . ) 

[This speech has never been printed before.] 

Governor Sulzer said: 

My friends, it is a great pleasure for me to greet 
yon and to tell yon that the beautiful city of Corning 
has an affectionate place in my heart (Applause.) 

I see here this morning many old friends, some of 
them the friends of nearly a lifetime — true friends 
who have stood hy me in the past — real men, whose 
hearts are sincere and whose heads are steady. 

Here on this platform I see my colleague in the 
Legislature of the long ago, that brave soldier and 
that splendid statesman, Dr. Bush. He is with us in 
our light for direcl primaries. (Applause,) 

Here also sits the Mayor of Minora, our good friend, 
the Hon. Daniel Sheehan. (Applause.) Next to him 



45 

sits former Congressman Havens of Rochester (ap- 
plause) and former Congressman John DeWitt 
Warner of New York city — two of the very best citi- 
zens in our State. (Applause.) 

And here sits your State committeeman — brother 
Schwa rzenbach. (Applause.) Then you all know 
your Congressman, my friend, Mr. Underbill (ap- 
plause), a good editor, a high type of our national 
legislator, and an honest citizen. (Applause.) 

I see here, too, many of your distinguished fellow 
townsmen, whose names I would like to mention and to 
whom I would like to pay a deserved tribute, but I 
haven't the time. 

However, I observe a distinguished gentleman 
whom I see standing in the side aisle, one of the great 
men of the Empire State, the favorite son of old Steu- 
ben county, that grand old jurist, Judge Bradley. 
(Loud applause.) 

These good men are all with us in our efforts to 
keep the party faith and to write on our statute books 
an honest direct primary law. 

My friends, when I became Governor I made up my 
mind that I would be the Governor in fact as well as in 
name. Many doubted that the first part of January, 
but nobody doubts it now. (Laughter and applause.) 
When I became Governor I determined that no influ- 
ence should control me in the performance of my duty 
but the dictates of my conscience and my obligations 
to the people. I have adhered tenaciously to that 
thus far, and I shall stick to it until the end, come what 
may. (Applause.) 

Ever since I have been Governor obstacles have been 
placed in my way by men high in the councils of my 
party, because I wanted to do what I believed was 
righ1 a ii< I what I promised to do when I was a Can- 
dida le for Governor. 



4G 

The Democratic platform of 1910 declared for 
" stale-wide " direct primaries, 1 >ut those who drew 
the platform of L912, realizing that the expectations oi 

the rank and tile of part}- voters Were QOl met by the 
legislation of 1911, pledged the party to "adopt sucn 
amendments to the existing law as will perfect the 
direct primary system." 

The electors ol* the State understood the words 
" State-wide direct primaries " to mean direct pri- 
maries applied to all State nominations. Democratic 
campaign speeches and the newspapers which sup- 
ported our ticket so interpreted these words. 

hi my first message to the Legislature I Baid: 

" We are pledged to direct primaries, State 
wide in their scope and character, and I urge the 
adoption of such amendments to our primary laws 
as will perfect the direct primary system of the 
State." 

The people expected nothing less from us when we 
declared Tor State-wide direct primaries than the 
nomination by the voters of all State officers, because 
it has been demonstrated that under the convention 
system the will of the people was not faithfully car- 
ried out in the State conventions. 

Delegates to the State convention, when assembled 
for action, have been found not properly responsive 
to the sentiment of their constituents. They have 
been found more anxious to carry out thu wishes of 
party leaders than to carry out the wishes of the mass 
of individual party voters. Controlling- political 
power has not passed From the individual unit, in 
which it should originate, up to the State convention. 
On the contrary, controlling political power has orig- 
inated with certain political bosses who have usurped 



47 



the rights of party voters and brought about nomina- 
tions which were desired by the bosses, but not de- 
manded by the voters. (Applause.) 

The sentiment in the State in favor of direct pri- 
maries found its origin and growth principally in the 
fact that under the established primary law the rank 
and file of party voters were not able to control their 
delegates when they assembled in the State con- 
ventions. 

I am now, always have been, and always will be in 
favor of carrying out, in letter and in spirit, our plat- 
form pledges. (Applause.) 

The best way to strengthen a political party is to 
keep the faith. I want to restore to the people of the 
State the complete control of their State government; 
to afford the voters of the State the freest expression 
of their choice of candidates for public offices, and I 
believe that our " State-wide " direct primary bill 
embraces an honest, a sincere, a comprehensive and a 
practical plan for these accomplishments. 

Besides, I consider that our " State-wide " direct 
primary bill is an absolutely nonpartisan measure 
which faithfully reproduces and will substantially 
carry into practice the pledges of the three great 
political parties concerned in the last State election. 

There are only two kinds of primaries — direct and 
indirect. The latter constitutes the reactionary dele- 
gate system; the former constitutes the present pro- 
gressive system. I am for the direct system. I want 
the people to nominate because I want the people to 
rule. The power to nominate is the power to control. 
Do not forget that. (Applause.) 

To have direct primaries and to have State con- 
ventions is impossibe. Direct primaries have been 
devised by the friends of good government to permit 



> 



the people to nominate their officials directly vrithout 
the intermediary of delegates, and as, of course, you 

cannot have Stale conventions without delegates, it 
follows that State conventions must go and hones! 
direel primaries must come. There is no middle 
ground. There can be no compromise. Those who 

want to compromise are against us. You cannot com- 
promise a principle. (Applause. ) 

It is self-evident to me that if the people are compe- 
tent to directly elect their public officials they are jjuei 
as competent to directly nominate these officials. 

The bosses say they will beat me. I have heard that 
before. The bosses could not beat me years ago when 
I was an Assemblyman for five years in this State. 
(Applause.) They could not prevent me going to 
Congress, and I stayed there in spite of them for 
eighteen years. (Applause. ) 

They say they will destroy me, but I tell them no man 
can destroy me but William Sulzer. (Applause.) I 
care very little about the political future ami less 
about personal consequences. I shall go on doing my 
diit>- to the people as God gives me the light to see the 
right. (Applause.) 

During the last campaign they tell me [ spoke to 
more people than any other candidate for office in all 
the history of the State. I told the people simple 
truths from the bottom of my heart. Many doubted 
the sincerity of my speeches in the last campaign, but 
there was one man who never doubted the sincerity of 

those speeches, and that was the man who is now the 
Governor of the State. (Applause.) 

It is all very simple to me, because I am a simple 
man. I am just the same to-day, as Dr. Bush can tell 
you, as I was in the Legislature a quarter of a cen- 
tury ago. I am just the same to-day, as Congress- 



49 



man Und.erh.ill can tell you, as I was in- Congress. I 
haven't changed. I don't intend to change. Others 
have changed, and if the fight is on, it is their fault, not 
mine. (Applause.) 

All I want to be is honest. (A voice: " You're 
right.) All I want to do is keep the faith; all I desire 
is to tell the truth. I want to make good. (Applause.) 
When I am dead and buried the only monument I want 
is to have the people say in their hearts — "Well 
done, Bill." (Great applause.) 

I am not working for the bosses. I am working for 
the people. (Applause.) I want to do something for 
my fellowman. I know, in the last analysis, that when 
the future historian pens the record of my adminis- 
tration I will be judged by what I have accomplished. 
(Applause.) 

I am trying to do things. Do things for myself. No ! 
not at all ; but to do things for all the people. Do you 
think it is easy? If you only knew how I am threat- 
ened; if jou only knew the obstacles that are put in 
my way; if you only knew how discouraging it is at 
times, you would sympathize with me in the struggle, 
and every one of you would be with me in the fight for 
the right. (Applause.) 

(A voice: " You have a crowd in this part of the 
State that will back you up.") 

Thank you for that. What that man says I hope is 
true. At this time I want to congratulate you for 
sending to the Legislature Senator Seeley, and As- 
semblyman Brewster, and Assemblyman Seely. (Ap- 
plause.) They voted for direct primaries. They are 
good men. They are honest representatives. They 
have served the people faithfully. They are entitled 



50 



to praise and commendation. They stood i»y you at 
Albany. (Applause.) They stood by you when every 
effort was made to gel them to vote against your in 
terests. All honor to these representatives. Their 
votes for direct primaries were right, and they will 
never have cause to regret it. 

My friends, what is the issue:' It is very simple. It 
is the people against the bosses. (Applause.) A child 
can understand it. You know there are two kinds of 

taxei direct and indirect. So L tell yon there are 

two kinds of primaries — direct and indirect. Dir 
primaries are the kind the people want. Indirect pri- 
maries are the kind the bosses want. If you are for the 
people you are for direct primaries. If you are for the 
bosses then you are for indirect primaries. 

The friends of direct nominations are fighting for a 
principle. A principle is fundamental. You cannot 
compromise it. (Applause.) It is ridiculous to try, 
although a few prominent Democrats in the State are 
trying to do it. If you are for direct primaries you 
are in favor of the voters nominating all candidates for 
public office. (Applause.) 

(A voice: That's right.) 

In the beginning of our history there were men who 
said that the people could not be trusted; that it was 
better to have a King, or a Queen, around than to let 
the people govern themselves; but Washington, and 
Franklin, and Jefferson, did not think that way. The 
men in those days who said the people could not be 

trusted were called Tories. We have Tories now, just 

as the patriotic fathers had them, only the Tories of 
to-day are called Political -Bosses. (Applausi .) 



51 



The political bosses tell us that we may have sense 
enough to nominate a constable, but not brains enough 
to nominate a Governor. They are willing to let us 
nominate a justice of the peace, but we must not think 
of nominating a judge of the Supreme Court, 
(Laughter.) 

The truth is, I trust the people, and the people trust 
me. We understand each other, and know how to get 
along together. That is the reason, I believe, why it is 
that during all the years, just half of my natural life, 
I have never been beaten for public office, although I 
have always had to run in a Republican district. (Ap- 
plause.) 

It is my experience that the man who trusts the peo- 
ple never trusts them in vain. I know in trusting them 
now I shall not be disappointed. (Applause.) There 
has never been a time in the history of this State when 
a public man trusted the people that the people did not 
trust that public man. There has never been a time in 
all our history when the people, deprived of political 
power at the formation of the government were given 
an opportunity to get that political power in their own 
hands that they did not take it. 

If anybody doubts that let him read the story of the 
adoption of the amendments to the Federal Constitu- 
tion. All of these amendments have been written in 
the Constitution by the rank and file, against the pro- 
test of men who said the people could not be trusted. 

Our fight for direct primaries is the old question over 
again. The few want to govern, because they do not 
trust the people. I am on the side of the people. I 
declare the people are competent to govern themselves, 
and I am willing to trust them with our government. 



If the people want to control their governmenl they 
niusi nominate the candidates for public office. They 

cannot control unless they nominate. The power to 
nominate is the power to control. (Applause.) 

Why is it that two men in our State, to-day, control 
the Legislature.' Because these two men control 
the nominations of the members of the Legislature. 
Unless the legislators do what these two men tell them 
to do they cannot be renominated. Take away the 
power to nominate, and you take away the power of tin- 
boss. (Applause.) 

That is the reason why every boss is against our bill 
for direct primaries. Can you blame the bosses? Well, 
hardly. But when we want to give the people the 
power to be their own bosses can anyone doubt that the 
people will not gladly take this power to nominate. 
(Applause.) 

De Tocqueville — in the greatest story that has ever 
been written about the free institutions of America — 
says that this Republic will never perish because it 
possesses the power to legislate, and to adjudicate, and 
to execute. Our government is indestructible, as was 
demonstrated during the Civil War, because it has this 
] tower to execute. (Applause.) 

As the Governor of the State I realize every day, 
more and more, the tremendous agency of this power 
to execute. What do the bosses, and the special in- 
terests, care about the laws if they can control the men 
who executed the laws? Nothing. Why are they fight- 
ing me so bitterly? You know. Because they cannot 
control the man who is executing the laws of the State 
of New York. (Applause.) 

We want to make the people free to control their 
own government by giving them the power to nominate 



their own public officials. We assert, and defy suc- 
cessful contradiction, that if the voters are capable of 
nominating an alderman they are just as capable of 
nominating a United States Senator. Any assertion to 
the contrary is an indictment against our intelligence, 
and a protest against our advancing civilization. (Ap- 
plause.) Out upon such a proposition. (Applause.) 
Notwithstanding the fact that I have always been in 
favor of the people nominating all candidates for pub- 
lic office, I went into this struggle for direct nomina- 
tions slowly and cautiously. All winter I appealed to 
the members of the Legislature to carry out the prom- 
ises of the Syracuse platform. I wanted them to keep 
faith with the voters. I wanted them to help me write 
on the statute books what the Democratic party prom- 
ised — a direct primary law — State-wide in its scope. 
(Applause.) They refused to do it. Then I sent a 
special message to the Legislature telling the members 
exactly what we ought to do about it. They answered 
that special message by sending me the abortive Blau- 
velt bill to make matters worse instead of better. I 
vetoed it in language that could not be misunderstood. 
(Applause.) We then sent them our bill. They beat 
it. How did they beat it f I will tell you how they beat 
our direct primary bill. First the democrats caucused 
against it. Then the republicans caucused against it. 
The two great political parties caucused to defeat this 
bill of the people. I am a pretty good parliamentarian. 
I have studied parliamentary law for a quarter of a 
century. I have searched through the precedents, and 
I tell you, and through you the people of the State of 
New York, that in all the history of parliamentary gov- 



54 



ernmenl this was the only time when two political par- 
ties caucused to beat one bill. 

Do you suppose the members of the Legislature 
beat our direct primaries bill of their free will and 
accord.' Certainly not. The Democratic members got 
their orders over the telephone Prom Delmonioo's and 
the Republicans got their orders from Mr. Barnes 
in Albany. These orders heat the bill. What a spec- 
tacle of representative government! What an indict- 
ment of free institutions. What shall we say when a 
boss in one part of the State and a boss in another 
part of the State, acting in concert, compel the mem- 
bers of the Legislature to caucus to beat a hill these 
very members were pledged to enact.' There was 
never anything- like it in all the history of our State, 
and 1 trusl after another election there will never be 
anything like it again. (Applause and laughter.) 

No man fears direct primaries, except a man whose 
character, and whose ability, and whose mentality can- 
not bear the searchlight of publicity. No man fears 
direct primaries, unless lie wants to be the creature of 
invisible government rather than the servant of popu- 
lar government. (Applause.) 

Let me tell you briefly just what our direct primary 
bill seeks to accomplish : 

1. That all party candidates for public office shall 
be nominated directly by the enrolled party voters at 
an official primary — the official primary to be con- 
ducted by the State, and surrounded with all the safe- 
guards of an official election — any violation of the 
official primary law to be a felony. 

2. A Slide committee of 150 members, one Prom each 
Assembly district, and a county committee for each 
county, to be elected directly by the enrolled party 
voters at the official primary. 



55 



3. All party candidates for public office to be voted 
for in the official primary must be designated by pe- 
tition only, the same as independent candidates. 

4. Every designating petition should contain the ap- 
pointment of a committee for filling vacancies on the 
primary ballot. 

5. Candidates to be arranged on the ballot under the 
title of the office. Order of arrangement to be deter- 
mined in each group by lot, by the commissioners of 
election, in the presence of the candidates or their 
representatives. All emblems on the official primary 
ballot must be abolished. Names of candidates to be 
numbered. The voter to indicate his choice by mak- 
ing a separate mark before the name of each candidate. 

6. The number of enrolled party voters required to 
sign a designating petition should be fixed at a percent- 
age of the party vote for Governor at the last preced- 
ing election, except that for State offices the number 
should not exceed 5,000 enrolled party voters, of which 
100 shall be from each of at least twenty counties. 

7. The primary district should be made identical 
with the election district, and the primaries of all par- 
ties phould be held at the same polling place, conducted 
by the regular official election officers, just the same as 
an official election. 

8. Each party to have a Party Council to frame a 
platform; such Council to consist of the party candi- 
dates for office to be voted for bv the State at large: 
party Congressmen and party United States Senators; 
candidates for the Senate and Assembly; members of 
the State committee; and the chairman of each count}' 
committee. 

9. The time for filing independent nominations sub- 
sequent to the filing of party nominations should be 



50 



increased from five days, as now provided, to fourteen 
or more days. The onmber of signers of as independ- 
ent certificate of Domination should conform to the 
number of signers of a party designation. 

10. Election of Ohited Stales Senator by the people 
should be provided for in accordance with the recent 
constitutional amendment. Nominations for United 
States Senator to be made at the official primary in the 
same manner as for the office of Governor. 

11. Registration days in the country should be re- 
duced from four to two, and registration in the country 
should be by affidavit where voter does not appear per- 
sonally. 

12. Boards of elections in counties having less than 
one hundred and twenty thousand inhabitants should 
be reduced from four members to two, in order to 
decrease the expenses. 

13. The use of party funds at primary elections 
to be absolutely prohibited, and made a felony. 

14. The penal law should be amended limiting to a 
reasonable sum the amount of money that may be ex- 
pended by a candidate, or anyone on his account, for 
the purpose of seeking a nomination to public office, 
any violation of the same to be a felony, and make the 
nomination, if secured, a nullity. 

15. Delegates and alternates from the State at large, 
and from congressional districts, to the National Con- 
vention should be chosen by the direct vote of enrolled 
party voters at the official primary. 

Such a law, in my judgment, will substantially re- 
deem our party pledges and meet the just demands of 
the enrolled party voters of the State. Any proposi- 
tion less than this begs the whole question and violates 



57 

the pledged faith of the several political parties to 
their voters in the State. 

It is my candid opinion that every member of the 
Legislature is solemnly bound in honor by the highest 
moral and political obligations to vote for the enact- 
ment of a direct primary bill; and those who fail to 
do so will be recreant to their promises and forced 
to yield by public opinion to others who will vote to 
give the State an efficient " State-wide " direct pri- 
mary law that will embrace every public office — from 
Governor down to constable. 

(Cheers and prolonged applause.) 



Entered as «econd-class matter January 10, 1910, a 

A Weekly Report Concerning Moral Refoi 

Published at 61 State Street, Albany, N. Y 

Superintendent of the New York Civic 1 

Vol. 4. "^g^»3 Albany, N. Y., July % 



SULZER'S BATTLE WITH GRj 
Some Startling Facts 

We have received a few letters protestii 
letin of July 18th on the Bosses and the gn 
that some members of the Legislature who 
are grafters. We have no apology to make 
about the facts than the people who have > 
bribery in the Legislature have been made in ' 
While we are sure that many of the Legisl 
could not be bought for any price, yet there; 
tried to sell themselves to special interests, 
have others we can give the Frawley Investigf 

Three Tammany Senator 
Three years ago when there was a bill j 
tai'n corporations furnishing legal services t 
such a bill would do a great injury to many o 
of the State who take the claims of their cl 
agree to collect the claim and furnish the law 
The secretary of an association of these 
from New York City to prevent the passage 
we believe, of high Christian character, and h 
in the matter. He called on some member: 
bill was referred and others who were not 
stated his case and showed them the great in 
to help defeat it. Among those called on w< 

i' 
tors 
to dr 

• S •'/'''"' f'-" r lY '"'-' ! aoresitmnoD jCto) -mavur jfarnou 

nothiK?,;,;;/^'! 1 ';;'," 1 ™°*e **um a *o (pa&js) * 

'//■'■/A N •"•'Miy 'IS ''I'-'s 19 ••'■Ul'K H O " 

reprewaAg f 8 » qnd ur '"ii"u nuojo a am p -..io *«o- 

Lai., , * ( 1 ' ,ut 'l> >IJ<>A\ (U.M.iLyo pui: js.hui: 

Ifonn I'll ~'V-i 1 ,, :proa '8X61 'ri £«ji> 



TREA 



Cash on hand, 
Total cash reo 



Printing 

Postage 

Clerk hire (an 
Salaries of S' 

Secretary, 

Expenses of 5 

Secretary, 

hotel bills, 

Special lecturei 

Office furnitun 

cards, etc. 
Office rent, jan 
Telephone, tele 
Express and fi 
Expenses of D 
Miscellaneous: 

Total 
Cash on hand, 



No-license Bull 
Office furniture 
Cash on hand 

Total e 
R 

This is b 
found correct, ; 

This is tl 
with all bills p; 
year the Leagu> 
$20,075.88. Wi 
Civic League h 
things to pass."' 
ported wholly 1 
the saloons, rai 
Its State headq 



Senator Ge 
gratulate you for 1 
more credit is clue 
racetrack gambling 
The New York Ci\ 

Senator Eu 

tor the very 

I greatly rt^r tho 

gambling bill had , 

Bulletin, which wo 



Senate 



tk 



nent member of the present Senate Investigating Committee which if -trying 
so hard to find some fake excuse for impeaching the Governor! Think of 
such corrupt men being in our Legislature, making our laws, defeating every 
effort to secure an honest, State-wide Direct Primary law, and viciously at- 
tacking a man like Governor Sulzer who we sincerely believe is making an 
honest, conscientious, and determined effort to drive all grafters out of office. 

The editor of The Bulletin said to this Christian man, "Why did you not 
report it and expose the Senators who solicited a bribe so boldly?" He replied 
that there was no one present except himself and the Senator when he talked 
with each of them, hence one man's word, in court, is as good as another's. 

He said that he also feared if he came out and exposed the three Tammany 
Senators they would make a "frame-up" and swear that by appointment they 
all met this man together at his request, not knowing what he wanted, and 
that he boldly offered them each money to help kill the bill, which they declined, 
atajd thus as the result of such a frame-up, he might have been convicted of 
attempted bribery and sent to the penitentiary. Men who are mean enough 
to solicit a bribe, of course, would be mean enough to go to any other limit to 
protect themselves and punish a "squealer." 

THE GOVERNOR'S LIFE IS BEING THREATENED. 

Governor Sulzer is receiving many threatening letters from the underworld, letters 
which everybody believes are inspired by the Tammany Hall crowd. Some friends of 
Governor Sulzer who are in a position to know, insist that if he does not take the greatest - 
care he will be assassinated before the close of his term of office. The Tammany crowd 
of grafters are simply desperate. Governor Sulzer has stopped millions of their graft, 
and when you touch graft you touch the heart of Tammany. Hence, we fear that because 
of this, some bodily harm may come to the Governor; but if it does, the people of New 
York State mill hold Tammany Hall wholly responsible for it. 

HAVE YOU THANKED THE GOVERNOR? 

How many friends of reform have written and thanked Governor Sulzer for 
his brave fight against Sunday baseball, race-track gambling, and for a state-wide direct 
primary law? A word of praise to one who is staggering under an awful load, lightens 
the burden and strengthens the heart for future battles. Every good man should stand 
by the Governor in his battle with the Bosses. Lincoln said, " Stand with anybody that 
stands right. Stand with him when he is right and part with him when he goes wrong." 
Governor Sulzer is certainly going right and anyone who understands him and the 
present situation cannot honestly question but that he is doing the right thing now. We 
believe he is thoroughly sincere and entitled to the sympathy and prayers of all Christian 
people. Tammany Hall and the newspapers it controls, together with the newspapers 
controlled by the Republican machine, are doing everything in their power to discredit 
Governor Sulzer and make the people believe that he is moved purely by selfish motives 
in everything he does, which we do not at all believe. True, we believe it will 
help Governor Sulzer politically to do right, as it will help every other politician 
in the -end to do right. Write and thank Governor Sulzer for the many good things 
already done and others he is trying to do. 

ENEMIES' OPPOSITION PROVE OUR EFFECTIVENESS. 

We received a kind letter from Assemblyman Charles J. Vert of Plattsburgh, a 
man whom we always count on the right side of moral questions, in which he commends 
very highly the effectiveness of our work. Mr. Vert is one of the most prominent lawyers 
in Northern New York and it has been a great personal financial sacrifice for him to give 
two years to the Legislature. We greatly regret that he does not intend to be a candidate 
again for the Assembly. We give his letter below. 

Rev O. R. Miller, Albany, N. Y. Plattsburgh, N. Y., May 24, 1913. 

Dear M-. Miller:— No one could be about the r=ipitn1 Huring ty Legislative session, 
without V : -& impressed by the earnest and effective work of yourself and your pubYw^ 
tion perhaps Uhe highest tribute you received was the very intense feeling of antagoni 
towards you and y 0ur publication, by_ those opposed to your position on the several measui 
with reference to w hich you took active part. If your work had not been effective, it wou 
have passed witho ut no ti ce by your opponents. For this very reason, I repeat, their intens 
hostility was the n jghest tribute to the effectiveness of your labors. I have no intention o 
standing for re-ele^j on t0 t j, e Assembly. I do not feel I can afford it. With kindest per 
sonal regards and <-. est w j s hes, I am, very sincerely yours, C. J. VERT. 



®h* inform IttlUtttt 

Enlmd as second-clan matter January 10. 1910. at poll ollice at Albany N Y 

A Weekly Report Concerning Moral Reforms in the State of iw Ynrfc 
Published at 6i State Street, Albany, N. Y., by Rev. 0. R Miller State 
__ _ Superintendent of th e^ew^rkCWixLea^jsc^te per y ear 

Vol. 4- «^»» A lbany, N. Y., Tulv 2 g ion == 

J ' y J " JNo. 30 

SULZER'S BATTLE WITH GRAFT AND GRAFTERS. 
Some Startling Facts to Consider. 
We have received a few letters protesting against our attack in The Bul- 
letin of July 18th on the Bosses and the grafters, especially in our intimation 
that some members of the Legislature who are now hounding the Governor 
are grafters. We have no apology to make because we probably know more 
about the facts than the people who have written to us. Frequent hints of 
bribery in the Legislature have been made in many daily papers in recent years. 
While we are sure that many of the Legislators are incorruptible, men who 
could not be bought for any price, yet there are Legislators who have boldly- 
tried to sell themselves to special interests. Let us give one illustration. We 
have others we can give the Frawley Investigating Committee, if it desires more. 
Three Tammany Senators Ask a Bribe. 
Three years ago when there was a bill pending at Albany to prohibit cer- 
tain corporations furnishing legal services to their clients, it was found that 
such a bill would do a great injury to many of the mercantile collection agencies 
of the State who take the claims of their clients and for a certain percentage 
agree to collect the claim and furnish the lawyers to prosecute in court. 

The secretary of an association of these collection agencies came to Albany 
from New York City to prevent the passage of that bill. He was a man, as 
we believe, of high Christian character, and had no desire to do anything wrong 
in the matter. He called on some members of the committee to whom that 
bill was referred and others who were not members of the committee. He 
stated his case and showed them the great injustice of the bill and urged them 
to help defeat it. Among those called on were three Tammany Senators. 

He told the editor of The Bulletin that all three of those Tammany Sena- 
tors boldly hinted that they wanted pay for helping to kill that bill. Desiring 
to draw them out a little further, he asked each what he meant. One Tam- 
many Senator said, "Well, you don't suppose we are going to kill that bill for 
nothing, do you?" Another asked, "How many collection agencies do you 
nt?" The man replied "Twenty." That Senator then said: "You go, 
r^^a^K York City and call together the representatives of those twenty 
^-es to-morrow night and tell them to put up $500 each, bring 
"•■■ ■■.-:--^ an( j I w iH see that the bill is killed." As soon a s that Chris- 
'me'to appreciate the real object sought by these men,"' Refused to 
anything to do with them. / 

Tammany Boss Murphy is at this moment hurling tl he vials of his 

- •rath at Governor Sulser because the latter refuses to appoint 01 He of those same 

, teiking Senators as the head of one of the great Depc rtments of New 

1 State'" Another one of those bribe-seeking Senators /is a very promi- 



TREASURER'S REPORT OF THE NEW YORK CIVIC LEAGUE. 
For the Year Ending May 31, 1913- 



Cash on hand, June I, 1912 



Receipts. 



s.02 



$20,1 T3. 90 




L,abii on iiaiiu, j unc 1, iyi^ i~ qn 

Total cash received during the year 20,075.11 

Expenditures. 

Printing- $5, 2 3°-37 

pS^. ::::::::::::::::::::::::::: :::::":: 3,867.38 

Clerk°hire (an average of 15 clerks employed the year round)..... 4,048.64 
Salaries of State Superintendent, Legislative Superintendent, Field 

Secretary, and three District Superintendents • ■.■ • ■ 4,327-92 

Expenses of State Superintendent, Legislative Superintendent, Field 

Secretary, and three District Superintendents: Railroad fares, 

hotel bills, etc (&1-4S 

Special lecturers and workers, services and expenses ■■■ 00.00 

Office furniture and supplies: Desks, cabinets, typewriters, stencils, 

cards, etc 1,086.26 

Office rent, janitor service, gas and electricity 477-22 

Telephone, telegraph and messenger service 219.6b 

Express and freight 26.33 

Expenses of Directors to Board meetings 33-25 

Miscellaneous: Insurance. $7.56; interest, $21.97; refund, $4.25 33.78 

Total expenditures $20,080.28 

Cash on hand, May 31, 1913 33-62 

$20,113.90 
Assets. 

No-license Bulletins ■ $50. 00 

Office furniture: Desks, cabinets, typewriters, stencils, etc. (estimated) 1,500.00 
Cash on hand May 31, *9i3 • 33-62 

Total assets, June 1, 1913 $1,583.62 

Respectfully submitted, (Signed) THOMAS A. ALLEN, Treasurer. 

This is to certify that the Treasurer's books and vouchers has been examined and 
found correct, as stated above. (Signed) CHARLES GIBSON, Auditor. 

This is the first time that the New York Civic League has been able to close a year 
with all bills paid, for which we thank God and the good people of this State. The first 
year the League raised $9,010.26; the second year, $15,455.41; and the third year, last year, 
$20,075.88. Will not our friends help us raise at least $30,000 this year? The New York 
Civic League has shown by its splendid success in the past that it knows how to "bring 
things to pass." It is worthy of the generous support of all Christian people. It is sup- 
ported wlwlly by the free-will contributions of those who believe in its work of fighting 
the saloons, racetrack gambling, Sabbath desecration, impurity, boss rule in politics, etc. 
Its State headquarters is at 61 State Street, Albany, N. Y. Send it a contribution. 

"Brings Things to Pass" 

Senator George B. Eurd, in a letter dated Sept. 30, 1911, wrote us saying: " Allow mo to con- 
gratulate you for the splendid work done during the session of the Legislature just closing. I believe that 
more credit is due to the New York Civic League and to your Reform Bulletin for the defeat of the Gittins 
racetrack gambling bills and the several Sunday Baseball bills, than to any other influence in the State. 
The New York Civic League brings things to pass." 

Senator Eugene M. Travis, in a letter to us dated April 4, 1912, said: "Accept my congratula- 
io — for the very effective and successful work done at Albany during the recent session of the Legislature! 
. y I "-'" the evil forces would have succeeded in passing the Sunday baseball bill 
uliJfi'l 15 .- llad " ot man y members of the Legislature feared the New York Civic Leagj 
winch would have given wide publicity as to how they voted.' 

, |e „, S !H3£6r'Ge c , 1 -ge H. Whitney, in n letter to us dated May 14, 1913, said: "I take™.. 
Z-; Sv of the se: ,sion at lllc Legislature to commend the earnest and efficient work done by yo 
bill l!!l Winter '' n Pre Vt ' n \ mS the Passase of ™<2eairable legislation especially the fight you maple agai ^ 
" seeking to open the 00ns on Suu day." 

Stateine 



uUeth 




AJbanv "^ment of the STS,? 8 ?!?' mana S' ement ' circulation, etc., of The Reform Bulletin, published wig 
th « 9th day f Xly 19 Mullenneau, Notary Public. (My commission expires 1 March BO.PJ 



"-- «■ 3ZTLZ1 . C , ARD ce ^«c ATE5! 



t^^^^^^^l 

,v is,,,.,, t, ™ ™ U,at :,, ""»»i for a 



year's subscription 

cents each, ^ £ * *" Bulletin 



We have 



23 



five of these P 0st CaTd ", « c ™ tai °» of Th. B „u«i" ' °' '"">' "' "'" Mm, 

in. y. Christian Advocate r„~ 
York Christian Advocate of E , C r ; mendS NeW York Civic League -Th • v 
Temperance Wave," ^iJj&LZtt^Z?^? ^^ °" "^S X, ?£ 
Washington It also referred to the g eat Z t T ""^ eSP * daU > *°« ££* 
where the- liquor dealers have sent ou 4 bo st T £ '" *J° ntana a ^' * S« 
and retailers are working unanimously to nuSn f 'if 1 *' " The local ^olesakrs 
* the wettest State in the Union, 7 tCcSS^I^^ *"» ** « 



■C if ' Passed, would lei 

is being u ^S^d U it^^K c iSL S S ( hL and week da > s - ( " — for wha 

~^ 

the splendid Bulletin of last week, Myi^^t'^^Z- 5 ^^ 3 C0 P ies l ' 1 "' of 
Attacks upon Governor Sulzer are all Infi bv Bo Al °nal of wind, is, "Vicious 
few, drop us a card telling us how many S^iSS, th^wKlenty' „," 

of Chanties and Correction held at SpSngri g£ U ^June the £th to JrhTT ^'l'"" 
honors the State when honoring such a man as Dr Pratt Governor Sulzer 

phy's grievance is financial. He is battlinR 
tor contracts and profits. 

Sulzer's real offense was blocking Tam- 
many s access to millions of State money 
that is the beginning and end oi th. v< n 
detta that Murphy is waging againsl the 
Governor That is the beginning and end 
ot the veiled impeachment pr, I i,,. 

Boss is righting for his graft, thi I egisla- 
ture is subservient to the Bess and the 
business of the State is at a standstill. 

It is possible that the Government of ihe 
State of New York touched lowei depl 
of degradation under Tweed than under 
Murphy, although we doubt it. [„ Tweed's 
day there was a strong and virile public 
opinion that uncompromisingly resisted cor- 
ruption at every step until the corruptiyt^s' 
were driven out In Murphy>--"Ciay the 
struggle seems to be regarded with cynical 
indifference as a contest between two poli- 
ticians, one of Llllulll JS CLvi-riior .-i"fl il:is 

quarreled with his party oJrgan izat J' l '"- fil ,,,, 
Poor old New York! As « reauy^ ?ov 

self-go\ erument, or is i'/ fit *^ n ^. n y, v rigM 
eminent by contracts? /is 
after all in the sordid/ view u ' 
of the political morals /of t he pc0p 
State? 



POOR OLD NEW YORK! 

Editorial, N. Y. World, July 23d. 

So far as open warfare between the legis- 
lative and executive authority can make it 
so, the Government of the State of New 
1 ork has broken down. Important depart- 
ments are without responsible heads be- 
cause_ the Senate will not confirm the Gov- 
ernors nominations. Necessary legislation 
is withheld because the Legislature will not 
act on the Governor's recommendations. 

New York has no Legislature in the con- 
stitutional sense. It is without representa- 
tive government. The Legislature, as a 
Legislature, has abdicated, and its powers 
a [e all in the hands of Charles F. Murphy. 
What h° t»lls it to do, it does. What he 
do, it refrains from doing, 
ority of the members took 
., nos ^ to support the Constitu- 

'-""■' 3r*flg^dth of office was to Charles 

tfW 1 * ^ e uncIer stood that the quarrel 
°ehvn the Governor and the Boss is not 
Po/j'ial. It is financial. Murphy is not 
fryir to destroy the Governor because the 
"Ov t nor advocated direct primaries or be- 
c aii S( he " plays to the galleries." Mur- 



111 ", J v,„ riff'" 

• of till- 



SURER'S REPORT OF THE NEW YORK CIVIC LEAGUE. 
For the Year Ending May 31, 1913. 

Receipts. 

June 1, [91a $38.02 

tved during the year - 

$20, I ! ,} . QO 

EXPENDITURES. 
$5.^8.37 

•• 3.*<>7 .<* 

average of 15 clerks employed the year round) 4,048(4 

ate Superintendent, Legislative Superintendent, Field 

and three District Superintendents 4,327. yj 

Itate Superintendent, Legislative Superintendent, field 
and three District Superintendents: Railroad far.-, 

etc 661 .45 

s and workers, services and expenses 60. 00 

i and supplies: Desks, cabinets, typewriters, stencil*, 

1,086.26 

iter service, gas and electricity 477-2 

graph and messenger service ->iq.(i8 

eight 26.33 

irectors to Board meetings 33 . 25 

Insurance. $7.56; interest, $21.97; refund, $4.25 33 . 7.S 

expenditures $20,- 18 

May 31, 1913 ,u.<<2 

$20 1 13.OO 

Assets. 

etins $50.00 

: Desks, cabinets, typewriters, stencils, etc. (estimated ) 1,500.00 
May 31. 1913 33.62 

ssets, June 1, 1913 •'No 

espectfully submitted, (Signed) THOMAS A. ALLEN, Treasurer. 

-) certify that the Treasurer's books and vouchers has been examined and 
is stated above. (Signed) CHARLES GIBSON, Auditor. 

ie first time that the New York Civic League has been able to clove a year 
iid, for which we thank God and the good people of this State. The first 
j raised $9,010.26; the second year, $15,455.41; and the third year, last year, 
[] not our friends help us raise at least $30,000 this year? The New York 
as shown by its splendid success in the past that it knows how to " bring 
It is worthy of the generous support of all Christian people. It i^ siq* 
>y the free-will contributions of those who believe in it^ work of lighting 
:etrack gambling. Sabbath desecration, impurity, boss rule in polities, etc. 
uartcrs is at 61 State Street, Albany, X. V. Send it a contribute n. 

"Brings Things to Pass" 

irge B. Burd, in a letter dated Sept 80, 1911, wrote as Baying: "Allow 

he splendid work dune daring the session <>f the Legislature ,i'ist closing. I believe that 

to tlu' Now York Civic League nnil to your Reform Bulletin for the defeat of the Gittina 
lolls and the several Sunday Baseball bills, than to any other influence in tin- 
League brings things to pass." 

gene M. Travis, in a letter to ns dated April 4. 1912, snid: "Accept my oongratula- 
ctive and successful work done at Albany during the recent session of the Legislature, 
evil forces would hi ■• Sunday baseball bill and the rncfif ""'"'' 

iot many members of the Legislature feared the New York Civic League ;\n<l your K. 
iid have given wide publicity as to how they voted." 

"^.^ 



fl How to Win 




FOR 



Peace, Progress, Prosperity, 
Patriotism, and Prohibition. 




Ex-Gov. WM. SULZER 



The Truth Shall Give You Light. 

Issued by 

The Society of Friends, (f^T^ 

Room 711 (((T.A, 

203 Broadway, New York City 

299 





A WORD TO THE WISE. 



Our Society is not in Politics. 

It has no favors to ask. 

It has no axe to grind. 

It recognizes FACTS and ACTS. 

Are you a Patriot ? 

Are you a Prohi ? 

Are you a Radical ? 

Are you a Worker ? 

Do you want to WIN ? 

You can if you Unite — 

The WORKERS FOR THE CAUSE. 

The FRIENDS OF PEACE FOR THE CAUSE. 

The PATRIOTS FOR THE CAUSE. 

The RADICALS FOR THE CAUSE. 

The PROHIS FOR THE CAUSE. 

The PLATFORM MUST RING TRUE. 

The CANDIDATE MUST FIT THE PLAT- 
FORM. 

WHO IS THE MAN TO WIN ? 

WE ANSWER— WM. SULZER. 

WHY ? 

READ! READ!! THINK ! THINK ! ! 

THE FACTS ARE IN THIS PAMPHLET. 

FACTS ARE STUBBORN THINGS. 

THE OPPORTUNITY IS YOURS. ACT! 

THE MAN TO UNITE THESE FORCES 
IS GOV. SULZER. 

IN UNION THERE IS STRENGTH— AND 
VOTES. 

LET THE SLOGAN BE SULZER AND 
SUCCESS. 

THE SOCIETY OF FRIENDS. 



,When you get through reading this pam- 
phlet preserve it, or pass it on. Do not 
throw it away. Someone else wants it. 



FORMER GOVERNOR WM. SULZER 

A Short Sketch of the Man Who Does 

Things 

By Julius Chambers, F.R.G.S. 

(Formerly Managing Editor of the N. Y. 
Herald.) 

Reprinted from 
"PROMINENT MEN IN NEW YORK." 

A man who does things, and who has dis- 
tinguished himself in straight law, and clean 
politics, is former Governor Wm. Sulzer — 
lawyer, lecturer, legislator, and liberal- 
minded statesman. 

Mr. Sulzer was born in Elizabeth, N. J., 
on March 18, 1863, of German and Scotch- 
Irish parentage. His father was a farmer 
near Elizabeth, and William was educated 
in the country school, and later for the law 
at Columbia College. 

His parents were strict Presbyterians, 
and intended their son for the ministry; but 
he preferred the law, and was duly admitted 
to the bar on attaining his majority in 1884. 
He soon became recognized as a sound law- 
yer, and an eloquent public speaker. He has 
taken an active part in every political cam- 
paign, and has been prominent in public life, 
since 1884. His success in law has only been 
equalled by his prominence in politics. He 
was elected to the New York Assembly in 

1889, and re-elected for five years. He made 
a splendid record for usefulness to the State 
at Albany. No one ever questioned his hon- 
esty, his sincerity, or his capability. He 
served with distinction in the sessions of 

1890, 1891, 1892, 1893, and 1894. 



He was the leader there of his party, and 
the Speaker in 1893 — one of the youngest on 
record. 

From the first the newspapers were his 
friends. In 1894 the old Tenth District, of 
New York City, sent him to the Fifty-fourth 
Congress. He was returned for eighteen 
years by increasing majorities. His course 
in Congress was one of hard work and 
steady independence. He was a staunch 
friend of the suffering Cubans. His sym- 
pathies are world-wide; his ideas are broad; 
and his work national — and international. 

He introduced the law declaring war 
against Spain; the constitutional amendment 
by which United States Senators are elected 
by direct votes of the people; the law estab- 
lishing the Bureau of Corporations in the 
Department of Commerce; and the law in- 
creasing the pay of letter carriers. He is the 
author of the resolution denouncing the 
Jewish outrages in Russia; the law increas- 
ing the pensions of the soldiers and sailors 
of the Union; the law to raise the wreck of 
the Maine; the new copyright law; and the 
income tax amendment to the Constitution. 
He is the author of the law to re-establish 
the merchant marine; for a general parcels 
post; for national aid in the construction 
of good roads; the law to create a Depart- 
ment of Labor, with a secretary having a 
seat in the Cabinet; of the law to decrease 
the cost of living by placing the necessaries 
of life on the free list; and of many other 
measures in the interest of the people of the 
country. His record at Albany, and at 
Washington, is a monument to his untiring 
zeal, his indefatigable industry, and his 
constructive statesmanship. 

He has been a delegate to every national 
convention since 1892. I stood beside him 
at the Chicago convention in 1896 when 



Whitney, the chairman o: the New York 
delegation, declined to support Bryan and 
counselled the New York delegation to bolt. 
Mr. Sulzer refused to be led out of the 
convention hall, and stood alone in his sup- 
port of Mr. Bryan. Mr. Sulzer prevented 
the New York delegation from bolting, and 
kept the Democrats from New York regu- 
lar. He explained to me at the time that 
he liked Bryan, and that there were so many 
good things in the platform that he decided 
to keep the Party regular. This was an 
act of great courage, for the New Yorkers 
were then bitterly hostile to Bryan. 

Some people have asserted, and many 
have assumed, that Mr. Sulzer has been a 
Tammany man. This is not true. He never 
was a Tammany man; but, on the contrary, 
from his first entrance into politics, he 
has always fought Tammany — and all Tam- 
many stands for — the Spoils system and the 
Graft system. Tammany always was hos- 
tile to Mr. Sulzer's political ambitions, but 
Mr. Sulzer always won, as an Independent 
Democrat, because the people, regardless 
of politics, were loyal to him, and he was 
loyal to the oeople. 

Mr. Sulzer served on several important 
committees in the House of Representa- 
tives. Just as soon as his party gained con- 
trol there, his colleagues made him chair- 
man of the important and responsible Com- 
mittee on Foreign Affairs, and he at once 
made good as a diplomat by keeping the 
Country out of war with Mexico; by reor- 
ganizing the Diplomatic and Consular Serv- 
ice, placing the latter on the merit-system; 
and aiding the establishment of the Repub- 
lic of China. He is widely read; is consid- 
ered a fine international lawyer; and has 
demonstrated great ability along legislative, 
executive, and diplomatic lines. 



Mr. Sulzer was the choice of the up- 
State Democrats, for Governor, in 1912, and 
was elected by over 200,000 votes — the t larg- 
est plurality ever given a candidate for that 
office in the history of New York, running 
far ahead of the Presidential ticket, and 
thousands and thousands of votes ahead of 
the State ticket. 

Immediately on taking the oath of office 
he began to do things for the people; for 
reform; for civic righteousness; and for 
honest government. He made a great rec- 
ord for honesty, for efficiency, and for prac- 
tical economy. He saved more money for 
the taxpayers in less time than any other 
Executive in the annals of the State. He 
wrote more good laws on the statute books 
for the plain people, during his brief term, 
than any other Governor in the history of 
the State. He was, beyond successful con- 
tradiction, the greatest reform Governor in 
the pages of the commonwealth. He fought 
the corrupt bosses; Wall Street; the confed- 
erated railroads: the looting plunderbund; 
the bipartisan "fifty-fifty" grafters; the ene- 
mies of the public schools; and every agency 
of "invisible government" — and all these 
enemies of the State finally combined to 
oust him, and conspired successfully to steal 
his office. After months of a farcical, il- 
legal, and unconstitutional trial, in a packed 
political court, this corrupt force succeeded 
— by threats, perjury, bribery, and intimida- 
tion — in removing the Governor by just one 
vote. The Chief Judge of the Court of Ap- 
peals, who presided over the travesty, 
called the "Murphy Court of Infamy," de- 
clared the consummation of the conspiracy 
was anarchy and a disgrace to the State. 

The bosses, and the enemies of the people, 
trumped up all sorts of absurd charges 
against the Governor, but every one of them 



\vas quickly disproved; nevertheless the 
marionettes in the Court of the Bosses were 
"ordered" to oust the Governor, because, 
they said, his campaign statement of elec- 
tion; expenses was irregular, notwithstand- 
ing that it was shown to be in accordance 
with the law. 

The constitution and laws of New York 
declare the Governor can only be removed 
"for wilful and corrupt misconduct in of- 
fice." The conspirators in the "Murphy 
Court of Infamy" removed the Governor on 
a flimsy charge of something he is alleged 
to have omitted to do long prior to his 
inauguration — and even this charge was 
shown to be absolutely false. 

Mr. Sulzer is the first man in the history 
of the world to be removed from a great 
elective office by a "Packed Star Chamber 
Political Court" for an alleged trivial dere- 
liction committed, or omitted, before he 
took office. The illegality and the absurdity 
of the Murphy proceeding must be as appar- 
ent to the layman as it is to the lawyer. 
The so-called Quack trial was a travesty- 
on Justice. 

The truth of the matter is that the Gov- 
ernor refused to be bossed; worked for the 
people instead of Invisible Government; 
could not be bought or bullied; and had set 
in motion the machinery of justice to send 
political grafters to prison. As one of the 
bosses put it after the trial: "We had to 
put him out or he would put us in" — mean- 
ing that if the bosses did not remove the 
Governor, the Governor would send them 
to prison for robbing the taxpayers. 

Just so soon as the Governor was re- 
moved, in the latter part of October, 1913, 
the people re-elected him to the Legisla- 
ture, on an independent ticket, by a major- 
ity of 5 to 1 against all other candidates. 



This was the Governor's vindication, and a 
fitting rebuke to the bosses and their mani- 
kins in the "Murphy Court of Infamy." 

Besides the Governor, in a series of 
memorable speeches, addressed to the larg- 
est crowds which ever assembled in New 
York, told the true story of the Tammany 
rottenness in the State, with the result that 
the entire Tammany ticket was defeated 
by an avalanche of ballots from the indig- 
nant voters. Mr. Sulzer did things in the 
Legislature of 1914 — and made good. That 
fall he ran for Governor on the American- 
Prohibition ticket and polled 127,600 votes, 
more than six times the normal prohibition 
vote, and succeeded in defeating every 
Tammany candidate running for office in 
the State. 

Mr. Sulzer's record speaks for itself. It 
is a monument of human endeavor in the . 
vineyard of the people. It needs no eulogy. 
He is the author of more good laws for 
mankind than any man to-day in America. 
He has run seventeen times for high public 
office, and was never defeated before the 
people but once — in 1914. He is absolutely 
honest; fearless; true blue; an intense 
American; a genuine statesman; a man who 
does things; a great reformer; and the most 
eloquent champion of a righteous cause in 
our land. 

Mr. Sulzer is a plodder who makes prog- 
ress; a thinker who acts; an orator who 
talks facts; a leader who leads; a legislator 
who legislates; and a statesman who knows 
the difference between right and wrong; 
has the courage of his convictions; and 
dares to do the right regardless of personal 
consequences. 

Mr. Sulzer is a radical. When a thing is 
wrong he wants to remedy the evil by 
destroying it root and branch. He is the 



greatest Progressive in America — and his 
record proves it. He has always been a 
quarter of a century ahead of the times. He 
is popular with all sorts and conditions of 
people because of his inherent honesty, his 
generosity, and his affable manners and sun- 
shiny disposition. No wonder he is so suc- 
cessful as a vote-getter, and that his loyal 
followers call him "Plain Bill" — and the 
"Friend of Man" — and that they love him 
for the enemies he has made. 

Governor Sulzer is a "Commoner" 
through and through. The more you know 
him, the more you see of him, the more 
you study him at close range — the more 
you like him, and the more you appre- 
ciate what he has done, and glory in his 
trials and his triumphs. He needs no de- 
fense. His record is as clean as a hound's 
tooth. His career of struggle for higher 
and better things, from a poor farm boy to 
the Governorship of the greatest State in 
the Union, is an epic poem. 

Mr. Sulzer is of large stature, standing 
over six feet in height, with a weight of 
185 pounds, which he carries with the grace 
of a trained athlete. He is abstemious; has 
sandy hair, and steel blue eyes that look 
straight into yours and read your inner- 
most thoughts. During the war with Spain 
he organized a regiment of volunteers and 
was elected colonel, but for political reasons 
it was not called into active service. 

Mr. Sulzer has been an extensive travel- 
ler, and has seen much of the World. In 
1908 he married Miss Clara Roedelheim, of 
Philadelphia, and they live in the Old Home, 
of the late General "Joe" Hooker, the cor- 
ner of Fifth avenue and Ninth street, in 
the heart of the Governor's Old Congres- 
sional District, New York City. 

The Governor is a 32d degree Mason, has 



held all the honors in the craft, and years 
ago became a life member. He is a mem- 
ber of Lloyd Aspinwall Post, G. A. R.; the 
Army and Navy Union; the Eagles; the 
Loyal Order of Moose; the League to secure 
World Peace; the Pioneers of Alaska; the 
Arctic Brotherhood; Manhattan Club; Press 
Club; Masonic Club; and other social clubs 
in Washington and New York City. His 
most profitable reading has been history, 
philosophy, and political economy; and his 
advice to young men is to work hard, culti- 
vate good habits, have a motive in life, and 
a positive determination to succeed. 

Mr. Sulzer is a very busy man, but his 
spare hours are spent in writing a book on 
"Political Economy," which his friends be- 
lieve will be a standard text-book on eco- 
nomic principles. His rugged honesty, his 
loyalty to his friends, his fearless devotion 
to every duty, his fidelity to principle, his 
ability as a champion of the oppressed in 
every land and in every clime have made 
his name a household word among the peo- 
ple of America, and as an Apostle of Lib- 
erty forever enshrined him in the hearts of 
humanity. 

WHY WE ARE FOR SULZER. 

(Editorial in "Progressive American," of 

July 2nd, 1916, the leading Patriotic 

and Prohibition Paper in Iowa.) 

We are for Sulzer because he is for Peace. 

We are for Sulzer because he is for Prog- 
ress. 

We are for Sulzer because he is for Pros- 
perity. 

We are for Sulzer because he is for 
Fatriotism. 

We are for Sulzer because he is for 
Prohibition. 

We are for Sulzer because he is the best 
equipped man, in our country, to light for 
these principles. 

We are for Sulzer first, last, and all the 
time because he can win — and we want to 
win. 

1U 



MR. SULZER'S BRILLIANT RECORD 

OF ACCOMPLISHMENT IN 

THE LEGISLATURE OF 

THE STATE OF 

NEW YORK. 

The record of Mr. Sulzer in the Legisla- 
ture at Albany proves that William Sulzer: 

1. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
statute books of the State of New York, 
the law for the Women's Reformatory. 

2. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
statute books of the State of New York, 
the law for the State care of the insane 
— one of the great reformatory meas- 
ures of recent times, which has been 
substantially copied by nearly every 
State in the Union. 

3. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
statute books of the State of New York, 
the law abolishing sweat shops. 

4. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
statute books of the State of New York, 
the law for free lectures for working- 
men and working women. 

5. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
statute books of the State of New York, 
the law finally abolishing imprisonment 
for debt. 

6. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
statute books of the State of New York, 
the Ballot Reform law. 

7. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
statute books of the State of New York, 
the law to limit the hours of labor. 

8. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
statute books of the State of New York, 
the law to open Stuyvesant Park to the 
people. 

9. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
statute books of the State of New York, 

11 



the law to give the people free admis- 
sion to the Metropolitan Museum of 
Art. 

10. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
statute books of the State of New York, 
the law for the Prevailing Rate of 
Wages. 

11. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
statute books of the State of New York, 
the law for the State Park and to con- 
serve the Adirondack forests. 

12. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
statute books of the State of New York, 
the law for the conservation of the nat- 
ural resources of the State of New 
York, and for the protection of the 
water sheds of the Hudson River. 

13. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
statute books of the State of New York, 
the law abolishing corporal punishment 
in the prisons of the State. 

14. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
statute books of the State of New York, 
the law to enlarge the State canals. 

15. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
statute books of the State of New York, 
the Weekly Payment law. 

16. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
statute books of the State of New York, 
the Saturday Half-Holiday law. 

17. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
statute books of the State of New York, 
the law establishing the Epileptic Col- 
ony. 

18. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
statute books of the State of New York, 
the law for the Aquarium in New York 
City. 

12 



x9. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
statute books of the State of New York, 
the law for Bronx and Van Coftlandt 
Parks. 

20. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
statute books of the State of New York, 
the law for the New York City Free 
Public Library. 

21. Was the author of, and wrote on the 
statute books of the State of New York, 
the law to compel the New York Cen- 
tral Railroad Co. to light and ventilate 
the Fourth Avenue tunnel; and many 
other progressive measures of far- 
reaching importance to all the people 
of the State of New York. 



The people will never forget Governor 
Sulzer; and they will not forget that the 
power that removed him might be used to 
remove another Sulzer — who dared to be 
free — who dared to be honest. That power 
is the power of the Boss — and the Boss 
system must be destroyed. 
— From editorial in the Knickerbocker 

Press, Oct. 20, 1913. 



13 



THE CONSTRUCTIVE RECORD OF 

MR. SULZER'S EIGHTEEN 

YEARS IN CONGRESS. 

The Congressional Record tells the story 
of Mr. Sulzer's work in Congress for eight- 
een years, and proves that Wm. Sulzer: 

1. Is the author of, and wrote on the 
statute books, the law for the Bureau 
of Corporations, through the agency of 
which the anti-trust laws are enforced. 

2. Is the author of, and wrote on the 
statute books, the law increasing the 
pay of the letter carriers of the coun- 
try. 

3. Is the author of, and wrote on the 
statute books, the resolution of sym- 
pathy for the Cuban patriots. 

4. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
ute books, the resolution of sympathy 
for the heroic Boers in their struggle 
to maintain their independence. 

5. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
ute books, the resolution of sympathy 
for the oppressed Jews in Russia, and 
protesting against their murder by the 
Russian government. 

6. Is the author of the bill to make Lin- 
coln's birthday a legal holiday. 

7. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
ute books, the law to abrogate the 
treaty with Russia because that govern- 
ment refused to recognize Jewish- 
American passports. 

8. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
ute books, the pension law for the or- 
phans and widows of the deceased sol- 
diers and sailors who saved the Union. 

9. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
ute books, the law to elect United States 
Senators by direct vote of the people. 

10. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 

14 



ute books, the law to restore the Amer- 
ican merchant marine, by preferential 
duties along the lines of the early nav- 
igation laws of the country. 

11. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
ute books, the law to construct national 
good roads. 

12. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
ute books, the law to raise the wreck of 
the "Maine." 

13. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
ute books, the law to light the Statue 
of Liberty. 

14. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
ute books, the law to create the "De- 
partment of Labor," with a Secretary 
having a seat in the Cabinet. 

15. Is the author of the amendment to the 
Constitution for the income tax. 

16. Is the author of the law for postal sav- 
ings banks, and a general parcels post. 

17. Is the author of the law to increase the 
pension of the volunteer soldiers and 
sailors who saved the Union. 

18. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
ute books, the new copyright law. 

19. Is the author of, and wrote on the stat- 
ute books, the resolution congratulating 
the people of China on the establish- 
ment of a Republic. 

20. As the Chairman of the Committee on 
Foreign Affairs, in Congress, he reor- 
ganized the Diplomatic and Consular 
Service, and placed the latter on the 
merit system; kept the Country out of 
war in Mexico; aided the establishment 
of the Republic of China; and initiated, 
and wrote on the statute books, the 
law to acquire homes, for our Diplo- 
mats, in Foreign Countries, so that a 
poor man, as well as a rich man, can 

15 



represent the United States in Foreign 
Lands. 
21. Is the author of the law to prevent any 
ship sailing from ports of the United 
States unless equipped with every de- 
vice for saving life; and many other 
useful measures in the interests of all 
the people of the country. 



"The Friends of Good Government 
are with you. I have yet to meet a 
person who believes, or even pretends 
to believe, that a single honest motive 
has animated the proceedings of your 
antagonists." — Letter of Col. Roose- 
velt to Governor Sulzer. 



"I have refused to compromise with 
the tempters ; and the enemies of the peo- 
ple ; and have resolved to go forward 
with the work I am doing for decent 
citizenship and honest government — 
come weal or woe." — Answer of Gov- 
ernor Sulzer to Col. Roosevelt. 



16 



WHAT. MR. SULZER DID AS GOV- 
ERNOR. 

1. Proclaimed early in his administration 
that his election made him the Gov- 
ernor, and not Murphy, and invited 
anyone who challenged his title to the 
office to come out in the open and 
fight. 

2. Vetoed the iniquitous Blauvelt bill, on 
the ground that it did not carry out the 
pledges of the Democratic platform, 
and insisted on the enactment of a 
thorough-going direct nomination law. 

Spoke to great audiences all over the 
State denouncing the bosses for block- 
ing primary and other reforms. 

3. Called the Legislature in extraordinary 
session to enact a genuine direct pri- 
mary law. 

4. Appointed commissioners to investigate 
frauds in various departments. Ob- 
tained proofs of graft in the State 
capitol, and promptly removed every 
guilty official. 

5. Gigantic frauds in contracts for high- 
ways discovered, resulting in indict- 
ments and convictions of Tammany 
men who had conspired to plunder the 
State of millions of dollars. 

6. Began investigation of frauds of canal 
construction, and reorganized the va- 
rious departments of the State on a 
scientific basis, to eliminate typical 
Tammany methods in public office. 

7. Caused the reorganization of the De- 
partment of Labor, with provisions 
meant to better the conditions of labor 
throughout the State, to conserve the 
health, and protect the lives of workers. 

8. Appointed a sanitary commission, the 
result of which was a law reorganizing 

17 



the State Health Department and mak- 
ing it possible to substitute up-to-date 
scientific methods for an archaic 
system. 
9. Vetoed over $8,000,000 appropriations, 
and cut off all the bipartisan graft in 
the State printing contracts, and the 
padding of payrolls for the support of 
an army of Tammany taxeaters. 

10. Investigated the State prisons, found 
shocking conditions and political cor- 
ruption; obtained indictments; re* 
moved the Superintendent of Prisons; 
and proved the conditions at Sing 
Sing were so horrible that the Legis- 
lature was compelled to order the 
building of a new penitentiary. Ap- 
pointed a new Prison Commission, and 
made Thomas Mott Osborne its Chair- 
man. 

11. Prepared and caused the passage of 
the Stock Exchange bills, to make 
Wall Street do business honestly. 

12. Demanded the resignation of Senator 
Stillwell, upon proof that he had de- 
manded a bribe for his influence in fa- 
vor of a bill, and brought about his 
trial and conviction after the Tammany 
Legislature had whitewashed the guilty 
legislator. 

13. Refused Murphy's demands for the ap- 
pointment of James E. Gaffney, Mur- 
phy's contracting partner, to be com- 
missioner of highways, in charge of the 
expenditure of $50,000,000. 

14. Declined to appoint Murphy's commis- 
sioner of labor. Appointed John 
Mitchell the Labor Commissioner; and 
rejected Boss Murphy's recommendations 
of other Tammany favorites for import- 
ant State and judicial offices. 

18 



15. Took advice about appointments from 
distinguished citizens, and leading mem- 
bers of their profession, instead of from 
the Bosses. 

16. Wrote a genuine workingman's com- 
pensation law devised for the benefit 
of workingmen. 

17. Wrote upon the statute books the full- 
crew law. Appointed a railway man, 
Mr. Chase, a member of the Public 
Service Commission. 

18. Wrote upon the statute books the Civil 
Rights law. 

19. Wrote upon the statute books the law 
for a Negro Regiment, and ordered it 
mustered into service. 

20. Vetoed the infamous McKee Public 
School bills. 

21. Vetoed the absurd and unjust Tammany 
constitutional convention bill. 

22. Vetoed over $8,000,000 of unnecessary 
appropriations — most of which was 
graft. 

23. Invoked the machinery of justice to rid 
the State of grafters. 

24. Wrote upon the statute books an up- 
to-date and scientific home rule law for 
cities.' 

25. Saved the taxpayers more money in less 
time than any other Governor in the 
history of the State. 

26. Refused to compromise, between Right 
and Wrong, with Murphy; the rail- 
roads; the grafters; Wall Street; the 
Plunderbund; and Invisible Govern- 
ment. 

27. Fought consistently for decent citizen- 
ship; civic righteousness; and honest 
government. 

19 



28. Wrote on the statute books the amend- 
ment for woman suffrage. 

29. Pardoned Brandt, a Swedish boy, sent 
to prison for forty years, without a 
trial, and for a trifling offense. 

30. Demanded the repeal of the Long 
Sault Water Power charter, and suc- 
ceeded in restoring to the people one 
of the greatest natural resources in the 
State. 

31. Said he would rather be right than be 
Governor; that he would rather have 
his own self-respect than any office in 
the State. 



"No one better than I knows that had 
the Governor agreed not to execute his oath 
of office he would be unchallenged in his 
place as the executive, no matter what other 
bitterness might be displayed against his 
independence of boss control. His inflexi- 
ble determination to go after all the looters 
and his purpose to begin with the indict- 
ment of Bart Dunn, a member of the State 
Committee from Tammany Hall, ended all 
relations. Then the savagery of removal 
from office took life in the Delmonico con- 
ference held by Charles F. Murphy. 'It's 
his life, or ours,' was the way Murphy put 
it." — From the report of Commissioner Jno. 
A. Hennessy. 



20 



GOVERNOR SULZER DID NO WRONG 

—HE WAS OUSTED BECAUSE HE 

COULD NOT BE BOSSED OR 

BOUGHT — BECAUSE HE 

WAS LOYAL TO THE 

PUBLIC. 

(Reprinted from editorial in the "Inde- 
pendent," November 1, 1913.) 

Wm. Sulzer needs no eulogy. His place 
in history is secure. He will live in the 
hearts of his countrymen for the good he 
did, and the things he dared to do. He 
showed how to be a patriot. He wrote a 
large chapter in the annals of New York, 
as one of her most honest, one of her most 
fearless, and one of her most independent 
Executives. He will live in the history of 
the Commonwealth as one of her greatest 
reformers. He did things. He showed 
great moral courage. He was his own 
master. He never was afraid. 

No Boss could control Wm. Sulzer. No 
Plutocrat could buy him. From first to last 
he was loyal to the public. During the 
time he was Governor he made a remarkable 
record — a record which has become a part 
of our glorious history — and nothing his 
enemies say can detract from his brilliant 
accomplishments as a statesman. 

Wm. Sulzer will live in the hearts of de- 
cent citizens. As a patriot he will rank with 
Lincoln. As a statesman he will stand with 
Wright. As a reformer he will be compared 
with Tilden. Besides, Sulzer had only be- 
gun his work of reform. He was only on 
the threshold of his efforts for honest gov- 
ernment when he was removed from office 
by the foulest political conspiracy in the 
annals of American history. However, the 

21 



results of Mr. Sulzer's work, as Governor, 
will live in the affairs of New York, and 
the resultant benefits will be felt by the 
people for generations yet to come. 

When the future historian comes to faith- 
fully and impartially write the story of what 
Governor Sulzer did, and of his illegal trial, 
and unconstitutional removal from office, he 
will give as the real reasons for that infa- 
mous act the following, viz.: 

First: Mr. Sulzer's persistent efforts to 
secure the enactment of the Full Crew legis- 
lation to conserve human life on the rail- 
roads. 

Second: Mr. Sulzer's persistent efforts to 
secure the enactment of the laws he recom- 
mended to compel honest dealings on the 
New York Stock Exchange. 

Third: Mr. Sulzer's dogged refusal to ap- 
prove the iniquitous McKee Public School 
Bills which would give control of our free 
public schools to an alien political-religious 
hierarchy. 

Fourth: Mr. Sulzer's successful efforts to 
secure the repeal of the notorious charter 
of the Long Sault Development Company, 
by which the State of New York received 
back its greatest water power and the most 
valuable of its natural resources. 

Fifth: Mr. Sulzer's defiance of the bosses 
— big and little — and his heroic fight for 
honest and genuine direct primaries. 

Sixth: Mr. Sulzer's determined refusal 
to be a proxy Governor — a rubber stamp — 
like Dix and Glynn — for Charles F. Mur- 
phy. 

Seventh: Mr. Sulzer's absolute refusal to 
do what the Bosses demanded regarding 
legislation and appointments, and his blunt 
refusal to call off prosecutions, and stop in- 
vestigations, which were being made under 

22 



hi. direction to uncover fraud and expose 
graft in the State Departments. 

Eighth: Mr. Sulzer's moral courage, in 
the performance of public duty, wherein he 
insisted on the trial and punishment of 
Senator Stillwell for extortion. The fight 
Mr. Sulzer made to bring Stillwell to jus- 
tice arrayed against the Governor the bit- 
ter and secret hatred of all the Bosses, and 
every crook in the Legislature. 

Ninth: Mr. Sulzer's determination to set 
in motion the machinery of the law, in vari- 
ous counties of the State, to indict the 
grafters and bring them to justice. 

To the impartial investigator who will 
take the time to go over the record, and 
familiarize himself with the real facts, it will 
be apparent that these were the true reasons 
why Mr. Sulzer was removed from the office 
of Governor of the State of New York. 

As Chief Judge Cullen said: "Governor 
Sulzer has done no wrong. His removal 
from office is anarchy." 



"The unseen government is doomed. In- 
visible government has had its day. The 
people at last are awake to the fact that 
ballots are only respectable when they rep- 
resent convictions. The day is forever past 
when men will blindly go to the polls to 
register the wishes of a political boss under 
the threat of regularity." — From speech of 
Governor Sulzer in Legislature February 
1, 1914. 

23 



A GREAT REFORM GOVERNOR. 

What Doctor Albert Shaw Says of 
Mr. Sulzer. 



Mr. Sulzer's work for honest government 
discussed by Dr. Albert Shaw in the Re- 
view of Reviews, December, 1913. 

A faithful reflection of public opinion in 
regard to Governor Sulzer, and his removal 
from office, is found in the December num- 
ber of the Review of Reviews. This maga- 
zine, edited by Dr. Albert Shaw, presents 
every month an intelligent, non-partisan, 
and impartial review of recent history-mak- 
ing events which commends itself to dis- 
criminating readers who appreciate how the 
powers of invisible government distort cur- 
rent news in the columns of many of the 
daily newspapers. 

Dr. Shaw in the Review of Reviews says: 
"The election of William Sulzer to the 
legislature is not merely sensational; it is a 
political affair that is Revolutionary. Mr. 
Sulzer as Governor has rendered the State 
of New York an almost superlative service. 
The prospect for good government 'in the 
State is better now than it has been at any 
time for half a century — and this result is 
due to Sulzer. He had a chance, as Gov- 
ernor, to make a nominally good record for 
himself, and yet to avoid all serious trouble. 
Tammany would have allowed him to ac- 
complish many things that could have borne 
the reform label. All that Tammany asked 
of him was not to investigate Graft too 
sharply, and to consult Mr. Murphy about 
appointments. In spite of all kinds of 
threats to disgrace him Governor Sulzer 
persisted in investigating corruption in the 
affairs of the State. 

24 



"The trumped up charges against the 
Governor were easily proven to be false. 
Judge Cullen, who presided over the court, 
held that Sulzer had done nothing for which 
he could be impeached. The scoundrels who 
were mixed up in the orgy of canal and 
road-building graft were so short-sighted 
as to suppose that if they removed the 
Governor they would discredit Mr. Sulzer's 
accusations against them. But this was the 
very opposite of what happened. Their re- 
moval of Mr. Sulzer focused the attention 
of the whole world upon their own iniqui- 
ties. It aroused the entire State of New 
York to a sense of public danger and public 
duty. 

"But let us never forget that Governor 
Sulzer, thrown out of his office by Tam- 
many, will unquestionably go down in his- 
tory along with Tilden and Hughes, as one 
of the great reform Governors of the State 
of New York, whose courage in defying the 
corrupt combinations of crooked politics and 
crooked business led to great progress in 
the long-suffering but noble cause of good 
government. 

"The great size of Mr. Mitchel's plu- 
rality, in the Mayorality campaign, was due 
to Mr. Sulzer's speeches in the campaign. 
The Fusion ticket only had a fighting chance 
to win. But it happened that Tammany's 
fight against Governor Sulzer had resulted 
in sensational exposures of the real rea- 
sons that had impelled the Tammany Ring 
to oust him. It was shown clearly that 
Sulzer had been impeached, not for his 
faults, but for his virtues. He had started 
out as Governor to expose the mismanage- 

25 



ment of State departments and the robbery 
of the State by politicians and contractors in 
the expenditure of two or three hundred 
million dollars upon State canals, highways, 
prisons, and so on. Mr. Sulzer in a series of 
wonderful speeches, of definite accusations, 
with an irresistible quality of carrying con- 
viction, before great masses of people, made 
the issue so clear that no one was left in 
doubt — and Tammany was annihilated. 

"Governor Sulzer, meanwhile, had been 
promptly named for the legislature as a 
Progressive in the old Sixth Assembly Dis- 
trict, and his meetings there were attended 
by countless thousands of sympathetic citi- 
zens who arose in passionate determination 
to vindicate an honest Governor against his 
corrupt traducers, and infamous opponents." 



"The fight for honest government must 
go on. William Sulzer has played his part 
well, and his race is not yet run. From the 
watch towers he sounds the alarm. He is 
the leader. The great living issue he typi- 
fies and represents, pulsating with the life 
blood of humanity, will go forward until a 
cleaner and purer day arrives in the politi- 
cal life of our country." — From editorial in 
The Call, January 3, 1914. 



26 



'THE NEGRO SOLDIERS." 



Mr. Sulzer Is An Orator. 

We here give two short speeches on mat- 
ters of national moment — one delivered by 
Mr. Sulzer in the House of Representatives 
on the 27th of February, 1909. The bill to 
do justice to the negro soldiers was before 
the Congress. Mr. Sulzer took the floor 
and delivered the following eloquent ad- 
dress: 

Mr. Sulzer said: 

"Mr. Speaker: We have no braver soldiers 
in the Republic than the negro troops. I 
am in favor of doing justice to these negro 
soldiers. They are entitled to it. They 
never have had a square deal in or out of 
Court. 

"The innocent should not be punished for 
the guilty. I voted in favor of this bill in 
the Committee on Military Affairs, and I 
shall vote to pass it through the House. It 
is honest and it is just. 

"It will be justice to the innocent men. 
If we fail to do justice in this case, we will 
be false to ourselves, and false to every 
principle that we revere. If we refuse to 
do justice to the colored soldiers who are 
innocent, we will violate every tenet of our 
boasted love of fair play. In my opinion, 
if this bill becomes a law, no guilty man will 
be able to re-enlist in the army, and no in- 
nocent man should be prevented from doing 
so. 

"I have no race prejudice. I want to say 
that I am now, always have been, and I 
trust always shall be, in favor of justice 
to all men — here and everywhere through- 
out the world — without regard to race or to 
creed. 'For justice all seasons summer, 
and all places a temple.' " 

27 



"JUSTICE TO THE JEW." 

On December 18, 1905. Mr. Sulzer, speak- 
ing to his resolution — "For Justice to the 
Jew" — delivered in Congress the following 
eloquent tribute to the Jews: 

"Mr. Speaker: I arraign Russia before the 
bar of civilization for high crimes against 
the Jews. The Russian government is re- 
sponsible for these outrages on the Jews. 
Let us say to the Czar, and the grand dukes, 
who are responsible for these crimes, that 
the House of Representatives of the United 
States sympathizes with the Russian Jews, 
the same as we would with any other out- 
raged people, and that the ruthless extermi- 
nation of the Jews in Russia must cease. 

"We cannot ignore these crimes against 
humanity. We cannot escape our responsi- 
bility. These innocent victims are our 
brothers and our sisters — mankind through- 
out the world are one. A continuing crime 
against one race is the concern of all the 
other races. 

"My heart goes out to the oppressed Jews 
in Russia. I grieve with those who grieve 
for their dead. I sympathize with the living 
and the terror-stricken. I am not a bigot. 
I care naught for creed. I have no race 
prejudice. I stand for humanity, and a 
man is a man, to me, for all that. I have 
struggled all my life to help those who need- 
ed help, to do something to better the con- 
ditions of the poor and the humble, and to 
aid oppressed humanity in every land and in 
every clime in the forward march of civiliza- 
tion. 

"I am a friend of the Jews. It is, how- 
ever, unnecessary for me, or any one else. 

28 



to eulogize the intrepid sons and the vir- 
tuous daughters of Israel. The Jew needs 
no eulogy. All he asks is justice. All he 
demands is equal opportunity. All he wants 
is equality before the law. The record of 
his race, from the dawn of time down to the 
present day, is the history of the march of 
humanity along the highways of progress 
and the avenues of civilization. In all ages 
of the world the ostracized Jew has done 
his share for his fellow-man, for enlighten- 
ment, for liberty, for freedom, for progress, 
and for civilization — and he has done it all 
in the face of adverse circumstances. In 
science and in art, in literature and in phil- 
anthropy, the Jew in all lands and in all 
times has written his name high in the tem- 
ple of fame. In statesmanship and diplo- 
macy, in law and in medicine, in ethics and 
philosophy, in research and discovery, the 
greatness of the Jew is and ever has been 
unchallenged. In commerce and in trade, in 
industry and husbandry, overcoming forces 
that would deter another, he has held his 
own in the vanguard of progress. Perse- 
cuted for thousands of years, he has sur- 
mounted all obstacles; shunned for centur- 
ies, he has kept in the very front of the 
higher and the better civilization. In trial 
and in triumph, in sunshine and in storm, in 
war and in peace, on land and on sea, in 
all eras and in all places, the Jewish race 
has written its enduring name, and its eter- 
nal fame, all over the pages of human his- 
tory." 

29 



MR. SULZER THE FRIEND OF LABOR. 

Foremost among the achievements of Mr. 
Sulzer's career in Congress was the passage 
during the session of 1912 of his bill estab- 
lishing a Department of Labor with a Sec- 
retary in the Cabinet. Smiled at as a pre- 
posterous idea when Mr. Sulzer first pro- 
posed the measure — the bill finally passed 
unanimously. 

The signing of this Department of Labor 
bill was the last official act of President 
Taft, and he did so on the personal appeal 
of Mr. Sulzer. The bill was first intro- 
duced by Mr. Sulzer in 1904, and was rein- 
troduced and advocated by him in every 
Congress since that time. In support of 
the measure, on one occasion, he thus ad- 
dressed the House of Representatives: 

"Mr. Speake r : My bill for a Department of 
Labor should be a law. It is the first bill 
ever introduced in Congress to create a De- 
partment of Labor. It is the first attempt to 
systematically classify labor in an intelli- 
gent way that has ever been presented in a 
bill to Congress, and its enactment into law 
will evidence a disposition on the part of 
the Government to see to it that labor gets 
some recognition, the dignity of having a 
voice in the councils of State, and the op- 
portunity to have its claims dispassionately 
discussed. 

"Capital as well as labor should favor this 
Department of Labor, because it will go far 
to solve the labor problem and bring about 
industrial peace. For years this legislation 
has been advocated by the wage-earners of 
the country. The bill meets with their ap- 
probation, and has the sanction of the best 
thought in our land. It has been indorsed 
by some of the ablest thinkers, some of the 
wisest political economists, and many of our 
leading newspapers. The time is ripe, it 

30 



seems to me, for the creation of a Depart- 
ment of Labor with a secretary having a 
seat in the Cabinet, with all the rights and 
powers conferred by this bill. It will bring 
labor and capital closer together, and one 
is dependent on the other. They should 
be friends — not enemies — and walk hand in 
hand in the march along the paths of mu- 
tual prosperity, and a more equitable dis- 
tribution of the fruits of toil. This bill, if it 
becomes a law, will go far to prevent labor 
troubles in the future, do much to solve 
existing labor problems, and every friend of 
industrial peace should aid in its enactment. 
The employers of labor, as well as the em- 
ployees themselves, whether they belong to 
trades unions or not, are all, as far as I have 
been able to ascertain, in accord with the 
principles of this progressive legislation and 
heartily favor its passage to the Statute 
books." 



THE 8-HOUR WORK-DAY. 



From Speech of Gov. Sulzer Before the 

Brotherhood of Railway Trainmen, 

Detroit, June 2, 1916. 

(Reprinted from Detroit Journal, June 3, 
1916.) 
"I want to say that I am a friend of the 
wage-earner. I want to see, and I hope the 
day is not far distant when we all shall see 
the eight-hour work-day the law all over the 
land and rigidly enforced in every State, 
every city, every town, and every village in 
the country. I believe it will be beneficial to 
the laborer, advantageous to the community 
in which he lives, and for the best interests 
of the Government. Too long hours make 
the wage-earner a poor workman. Shorter 

31 



hours, in my opinion, will produce better 
results all around and for all concerned. 
Every writer on political economy confirms 
this conclusion, and I assert as a funda- 
mental principle that any scheme for the 
amelioration of the social condition of the 
wage-earner which does not proceed on this 
proposition as its foundation is for all per- 
manent purposes a delusion and a snare. 

"I am now, always have been, and always 
will be an advocate of shorter hours for a 
legal work-day. The history of the past 
teaches us that every reduction in the hours 
constituting a day's work has resulted bene- 
ficially. YVe have gone on steadily, step by 
step, shortening the hours of labor from 
sixteen hours to fourteen hours a day, from 
fourteen hours to twelve hours a day, from 
twelve to ten hours, and in every instance it 
has been for the better. Statistics conclu- 
sively prove that every decrease in the hours 
constituting a legal work-day has been for 
the advancement of the toiler and the 
progress of the masses. 

"These reductions in the hours of labor 
have decreased intemperance, increased 
knowledge, made better homes, happier and 
better-clothed wives and children, brighter 
and more prosperous firesides ,and in every 
way benefited the social relations, pro- 
moted happiness and contentment, and im- 
proved the moral, economical, and financial 
condition of the laboring people of our 
land." 

32 



GOVERNOR SULZER ON PROHIBI- 
TION. 



From Speech Before Prohibition Conven- 
tion, at Pittsburgh, Pa., February 22, 
1916. 

(Reprinted from Pittsburgh Post, February 
23, 1916.) 

"When they ask you why I am for pro- 
hibition you tell them because I have the 
courage of my convictions; because I am 
against intemperance; because I do not 
straddle a fundamental principle; because I 
will not be a hypocrite; because I love my 
fellow man; because I believe the time has 
come for the Government to get out of the 
liquor business; because I want no man to 
enslave himself, to shackle his friends, to 
widow his wife, and to bring sorrow to the 
homes of his fellow man; because I want no 
friend of mine to make his children dotards, 
and the children of his associates tear- 
stained orphans; because I am opposed to 
any man picking his own pocket and doub- 
ling his taxes; because I know from experi- 
ence that a dollar saved is a dollar made; 
and, finally, because I want to do my share, 
in my day and generation, to lessen the woes 
and the wants of humanity; to end the 
crimes and the criminals of society; and to 
decrease the poorhouses and the penitentia- 
ries of the country. 

"When they ask you why I am for pro- 
hibition you tell them that if the people were 
to save the money the indulgence in strong 
drink costs annually, and the same were 
utilized for public purposes, it would develop 
our great water powers and give us light, 
heat, and power free of cost; that it would 
build the best dirt roads since the days of 
the Caesars; that it would erect the most 

33 



beautiful public buildings the eye of man has 
ever witnessed — all poems in stone — chal- 
lenging the admiration of every lover of the 
beautiful; that it would dig the deepest and 
the widest canals ever constructed on earth; 
that it would rear to heaven the most mag- 
nificent schoolhouses for the children of 
women ever modeled by the genius of man; 
and that beyond all, and above all, it would 
make our people sober and industrious and 
efficient, and capable of producing in every 
avenue of trade, every channel of commerce, 
and every line of human endeavor more than 
20 per cent, of what they now produce, and 
hence to that extent increase the earning 
and the saving capacity of our workers. 

"When they ask you why I am for prohi- 
bition you tell them that I am for prohibi- 
tion because I want our men and women to 
come out of the swales of drunkenness up 
to the heights of soberness and get the 
perspective of the promised land; because I 
know from facts that those who earn their 
wage in the sweat of their face and spend it 
for strong drink are fooling themselves and 
robbing their families; because I know from 
statistics, medical and physiological, that the 
use of alcoholic drinks is death to brain 
and brawn, and fetters to hope and ambition; 
because I know from an economic stand- 
point, to say nothing about its moral and its 
physical aspects, that the prohibition of the 
manufacture and the sale of _ alcoholic 
liquors, for beverage purposes, will be one 
of the greatest boons that ever blessed 
humanity — a tremendous factor for good to 
every man, woman, and child on earth — 
a harbinger to all mankind in the struggle 
for success; and one of the most potent 
agencies in the world to increase the ma- 
terial wealth of America in the onward and 
upward march of civilization. 

34 



"When they ask you why 1 am for pro- 
hibition you tell them because I want to 
make the hearthside happy; because I want 
to make mankind free; because I want to 
make the Stata sober; and because I know 
the home can not be happy while the people 
are rioting in alcoholic drunkenness. 

"Tell them that I say no State, and no 
country, can long endure half wet and half 
dry, half drunk and half sober, and that all 
friends of good government should be with 
us in the fight to make the State sober, and 
to banish forever the saloons from our 
country. 

"Tell them that we boast that we are the 
greatest and richest country in the world; 
that we have a population of more than 
100,000,000 people; that its estimated wealth 
is more than $200,000,000,000; that its annual 
revenue from the liquor traffic is about 
$200,000,000; that the people spend every 
year for alcoholic liquors more than $2,000,- 
000,000 — just about ten times as much as the 
Government derives from the revenue, a sum 
of money that staggers the finite mind; that 
most of the money comes from the poor, 
and if it were deposited in savings banks to 
the credit of the toilers we would have a 
Government without a pauper, and the rich- 
est people per capita since the dawn of time 
in any land or in any clime. 

"Tell them that you know, and I know, 
that for every dollar the Government gets 
from its association with the liquor business 
it costs the taxpayers at least $20 to support 
courts and juries, hospitals and asylums, 
paupers and prisonerSj poorhouses and peni- 
tentiaries. Tell them that the use of alco- 
holic stimulants is blighting the hope of our 
womanhood, debauching the flower of our 
manhood — morally, mentally, and physicallv 

35 



— and devastating, degenerating, and deci- 
mating the human race. 

"Tell them that if I were asked to sum 
up in a single word the cause on earth of 
more than seven-tenths of all the woes and 
all the wants; of all the fears and all the 
tears: of all the trials and all the troubles; 
of all the ghouls and all the ghosts; of all 
the crimes and all the criminals; of all the 
groans of helpless men, and all the griefs 
of weeping women, and all the heart pangs 
of sad-faced children, I should sum it all up 
in that short word — R-U-M — RUM— which 
menaces the progress of the race, and 
challenges the advance of civilization." 



MR. SULZER'S GOOD WORK. 

"This is a different Assembly from that 
of last year. A new Speaker presides. The 
old faces are not here. The faces that 
laughed at the taxpayers; that defied pub- 
lic sentiment; that carried out the 'orders' 
of the unseen government; that impeached 
the Governor because the Governor re- 
fused to do wrong; where are they? They 
are gone hence; their outraged constituents 
kept them home." — From speech of Gov- 
ernor Sulzer in Assembly, January 5, 1914. 



36 



COLONEL ALEXANDER S. BACON ON 
MR. SULZER'S NOMINATION. 



April 13, 1916. 

Mr. John H. Stoody, 
Akron, New York: 

Dear Sir — We have read your letter con- 
cerning the candidacy of Mr. Sulzer as the 
standard bearer in the fight we are making 
to unite the reform forces of the country, 
in this campaign, for Prohibition. 

We have carefully analyzed the situation. 
We know what we are talking about, and 
in view of the fact that Mr. Sulzer polled 
127,600 votes for governor in 1914 on the 
Prohibition and American tickets, we know 
of no better man to lead the fight this 
year. If you know of a better man, we shall 
be glad to favor him, but We want a man 
who is known; who is popular; who can 
make a great speaking campaign; and who 
can get enough votes to accentuate the is- 
sue, and give it such an impetus that vic- 
tory will be sure in 1920. 

Mr. Sulzer is not running after the nomi- 
nation; and he is not running away from 
the fight. He has no illusions and no vanity. 
He is a broadminded statesman. He sees 
things political clearly. He is as unselfish 
as he is self-sacrificing. He does not want 
to lead if a better equipped man can be 
drafted. He is reluctant to be the standard 
bearer — because of the sacrifice of time and 
money necessarily entailed. 

Enclosed I am sending you a copy of a 
letter Mr. Sulzer has written Mr. Bishop. 
It is a classic. It states his position frankly 
and without equivocation. It leaves no one 
in doubt — save the man who wants to doubt. 
Besides, from a recent talk with Mr. Sulzer, 

37 



I feel confident that unless he can be assured 
of united support he will not consent to be 
our candidate. This would be most unfor- 
tunate for the cause, and I assume that you 
have the cause at heart just as much as 1 
have. 

Let me tell you ■ that I was one of Mr. 
Sulzer's counsel in the great fight he made, 
at Albany, for honest government. You 
are as much in error about that struggle 
as you are wrong in other matters you 
speak about so lightly. There was no evi- 
dence, legal or otherwise, that Mr. Sulzer 
had done wrong. His removal was a crime. 
Every lawyer in the State, except a Tam- 
many lawyer, knows Mr. Sulzer's ouster 
from office was illegal and unconstitutional 
— in fact anarchy. I can tell you, as a 
lawyer, that Mr. Sulzer could have had a 
million dollars, and been the Democratic 
candidate for President, if he would have 
carried out the wishes of the bosses; 
the orders of the railroads; the decrees of 
the Roman Hierarchy; and the desires of the 
Plunderbund of Wall Street; and two hours 
before he was removed, he could have re- 
mained in office by simply agreeing to stop 
the investigations, and the prosecutions, of 
the grafters. Sulzer refused, and a thou- 
sand years from now he will be pictured in 
6ong and story as the greatest reform gov- 
ernor in the annals of the State. 

You should be more careful what you say 
and what you write about Mr. Sulzer. You 
should be sure of your facts. You should 
not labor under the impression that Mr. 
Sulzer is anxious to be a candidate for any 
office. He retired from public life after 26 
years of faithful and fruitful service in the 
vineyard of the people, with the approval 
of his conscience, and to enjoy his own self- 
respect. If we can get him to put on the 

38 



harness again the friends of Reform, and 
of Progress, and of Patriotism, and of Hon- 
est Government, and of Prohibition, will be 
exceedingly fortunate. 

Very truly yours, 
ALEXANDER S. BACON. 
National Chairman American Party. 



MR. SULZER IS TRUE BLUE. 



HE IS GOING TO THE END OF THE 
ROAD. 



(Reprinted from Observer, N. Y., April 22, 
1916.) 

April 12, 1916. 
Hon. Olin S. Bishop, 

Chairman of the Prohibition State Com- 
mittee, 
Utica, New York. 
My Dear Mr. Bishop: 

In reply to your letter you can say to 
those who doubt, what you know, that I am 
for the Prohibition of the manufacture, and 
the sale, and the importation, and the trans- 
oortation of alcoholic liquors for beverage 
purposes — State and National — by legislative 
enactment; or by constitutional amendment; 
or by both through the efforts of the Pro- 
hibition Party — and every other agency that 
will accomplish its consummation. 

Prohibition is a political issue that will 
not down. It will never be settled until it 
is settled right. In the fight against John 
Barleycorn I shall continue to ring trye. In 
the struggle to destroy the curse of strong 
drink I am going to the end of the road — 
regardless of personal consequences. 

39 



It is gratifying, of course, to know that 
my efforts for the cause are appreciated 
by the true believers in the cause, and I 
would be less than human if I did not feel 
grateful to those good souls who now and 
then mention my name as a suitable stand- 
ard bearer in the coming campaign — but I 
want you, and all our friends, to feel, as I 
feel, that I have no vanity in the matter 
save the success of the cause, and no am- 
bition, personal or otherwise, except to serve 
where I best can serve to promote the great- 
est reform in America. If I am called to 
lead, because those competent to judge be- 
lieve I am best equipped to lead, I shall 
lead where any man will follow; and if, 
on the other hand, I am told to stay in 
the ranks, I shall continue to serve in the 
ranks, and follow where any man will lead. 

To sum it all up — I am for Prohibition — 
that is all. I am for the cause — first, last 
and all the time — and when the hour strikes 
to decide who shall lead I shall acquiesce 
in the judgment of those elected to decide — 
and whatever the determination may be, it 
will be satisfactory to me — and whether I 
lead, or follow, I shall move onward in the 
struggle I am making to usher in the better, 
and the greater, and the grander day. 
Very sincerely yours, 

WM. SULZER. 



"The time has arrived when the people 
demand that every party, and every Boss 
of a party, must halt on the frontier of 
their political approval before they shall be 
allowed to advance." — From speech of 
Governor Sulzer, Peoria, 111., May 28, 1916. 

40 



Headquarters 

American Party, 

675 Broadway, 

New York City. 

June 7, 1916. 
Colonel L. G. Warfield: 

My dear Colonel — I am glad you favor a 
union of our forces to the end that success 
shall crown our efforts for Prohibition, and 
God, Home, and Country. 

Mr. Sulzer is the idol of the American 
Party, which is organized in several States 
and grows with leaps and bounds. We love 
him for the enemies he has made. He com- 
mitted the American Party to the princi- 
ple of Prohibition when he was the candi- 
date of the Prohibition Party, and the 
American Party, in the memorable campaign 
for Governor in 1914; and he polled six 
times more votes for the Cause than were 
ever cast before in New York. He can 
poll over three million votes in the Na- 
tional campaign. 

The American Party is doing everything 
in its power to promote the Cause of Pro- 
hibition, and will declare for it this year 
unequivocally, in its National Platform. We 
are a Radical Party; a Progressive Party; 
a Patriotic Party; and we stand for every 
principle of the Prohibition Party. 

There is a growing sentiment throughout 
the country in favor of making Mr. Sulzer 
our standard bearer — that is, the candidate 
for President — of the Prohibition Party; of 
the American Party; and of the Radical 
Party. We believe that he can unite these 
parties behind Prohibition, and in favor of 
other patriotic reforms. If this is done it 
spells victory for the Cause you have so 
much at heart. 

41 



We believe .Mr. Sulzer is the most elo- 
quent speechmaker; the most popularly 
known; the greatest campaigner; and the 
best vote-getter in the country. He says 
he is willing to lead where any man will fol- 
low. We must draft him to lead. We should 
place the standard in his hands, and bid 
him godspeed. We believe he can win in 
the coming campaign; but whether he wins 
or loses, he will give the Cause such an im- 
petus that nothing can prevent its success 
in the years to come. 

As the Rev. Dr. Peters says: "Strange 
mixture of power and practicality, of fancy 
and fact: of zeal and enthusiasm: dreamer 
of big dreams, Wm. Sulzer cannot be ig- 
nored. You may hate him; or you may love 
him; but be sure of one thing — you can 
never forget him. He is the most potent 
force for good in our country — the greatest 
reformer in America." 

If you agree with us in favor of unity, and 
harmony, and a concerted movement, for 
Peace, Progress, Prosperity, Patriotism 
and Prohibition, all along the line, write me 
regarding your views. 

Very truly yours, 

ALEXANDER S. BACOX. 

Chairman. 



"The work of William Sulzer is not fin- 
ished. As he said when Murphy's court 
removed him: 'My fight for honest gov- 
ernment has just begun.' The people are 
with him in the fight." — From editorial in 
World, May 2, 1914. 

42 



GOVERNOR SULZER ON PEACE AND 
PROHIBITION. 

Law Offices of 

WM. SULZER, 

115 Broadway, 

New York. 

May 10, 1916. 
George L. Thompson, Esq., Editor of "Civi-' 
lization," Northfield, Mass.: 

My Dear Mr. Thompson — In reply to 
your questions I shall be as frank as you 
suggest. 

First — I stand squarely on the Platform 
of the Prohibition Party; and the Plat- 
form of the American Party. They are 
much alike, and that is well. We should- 
be united. In union there is strength. 

Second — I am for Prohibition first, last, 
and all the time, and my record for the 
Cause justifies the assertion without fear of 
successful contradiction. 

Third — I am against militarism — against 
the erroneous doctrine that might makes 
right. I am for Peace — World Peace — 
through the establishment of an Interna- 
tional Court having jurisdiction of every 
international question — with the agencies to 
enforce its decrees — just the same as the 
courts of our country have the jurisdiction, 
and the agencies, to settle all disputes be- 
tween States and individuals. For twenty 
years I have been working in this vine- 
yard — and I now see the coming of the 
better day for outraged humanity. War 
is Barbarism — wholesale murder — and I 
know the human heart is just as_ much op- 
posed to wholesale murder as it is opposed 
to individual murder. 

Fourth — I believe in the Patriotism of 
the American People; in their loyalty to the 
Old Flag: in their determination to perpetu- 
ate the Free Institutions of the Fathers: 

43 



and I know the rank and rile are faithful to 
the Constitution — and that Government of 
the People shall not Perish for lack of Pa- 
triots, or for want of Patriotism. 

Finally — I am not seeking office. I have 
traveled beyond that bump of vanity. I 
have held public office more than half my 
natural life. If I wanted to continue to 
hold high office all I had to do was to be 
obedient to a corrupt system, and forget the 
difference between right and wrong — but I 
said I would rather be right than be Gov- 
ernor. In our struggle I am for the best 
man to win — to get votes for the Cause — 
and as I have said, I will follow where any 
man will lead, and I will lead where any 
man will follow. I am going forward with- 
out fear. 

Your friend, 

WM. SULZER. 



MR. SULZER'S PLAN. 

WM. SULZER, 

Counselor-at-Law, 

115 Broadway, 

New York. 

April 3, 1916. 
Dr. Daniel B. Strong, Bossburg, Washing- 
ton: 
My Dear Mr. Strong — In reply to your let- 
ter I want to thank you for what you say 
about my work for Prohibition. 

What you, and other friends of the Cause, 
tell me, and write me, is gratifying. If 
you and our friends sincerely believe I am 
best equipped to carry the standard and 
get the votes in the coming campaign _ I 
shall carry the Banner where any man will 
follow, and whether I win or lose, the Cause 
will triumph, and after the battle the Flag 
returned, unsullied, to the Party. 

Suffice it to say that I have no vanity in 

44 



the matter. 1 want to win the fight for 
Prohibition— that is all. 1 am not opposed 
to any plan of campaign; or to any solution 
of the problem. My only ambition is to be 
an instrumentality in the great campaign 
this year to abolish the manufacture ": 
the sale of intoxicating liquors. In the fight 
for the Cause I am willing to lead for any 
plan that will mean success. My plan to tax 
the iniquity out of existence is simple and 
constitutional. It will accomplish the pur- 
pose, and do it in the quickest time, and 
the easiest way. Many of our friends agree 
with me, and favor the Sulzer Plan. How- 
ever, I am in favor of a genuine Constitu- 
tional amendment, and sooner or later be- 
lieve we shall get it — but until then I realize 
that we must go along the lines of least 
resistance to accomplish what we all have so 
much at heart— the abolition of the Liquor 
Traffic by legislation. 

To that end, it goes without saying, I am 
as deeply interested as you are in the com- 
ing campaign. But I am more interested 
in unity, and in harmony, and uniting our 
Reform Forces than I am in candidates. 
If we can unite the Reform Forces in Amer- 
ica behind the Prohibition movement we 
can win this year— or certainly in 1920— 
and for one I want victory to crown our 
efforts before I die— and then have it said 
I did my part for the greatest moral reform 
in America. . . 

When the proper time comes, if it is the 
consensus of opinion that I am the _ best 
man— taking all things into consideration— 
to lead the Cause to Victory, the friends of 
Prohibition can rely on me to make the 
greatest fight that has ever been made for 
the Principle. 

With all good wishes, believe me as ever. 
Very sincerely yours, 

WM. SULZER. 

45 



WHAT THE PROHIBITION PAPERS 
SAY. 
WE ARE FOR SULZER. 
We are for Mr. Sulzer because he can 
win; because he can unite in a concrete 
fighting mass the Reform Forces of Amer- 
ica; because he is a Radical, a Progressive, 
a Patriot, a Prohibitionist, a statesman the 
peer of any in all the world, in experience, 
in constructive ability, and in fidelity to 
the ideals of all that is great and good and 
grand on earth. — Editorial from Clean Com- 
monwealth, June 5, 1916. 



SULZER AND VICTORY. 

(Editorial from the Patriot, March 15, 
1916.) 

Already the cry is heard from all parts of 
the Country, "Sulzer and victory." 

We realize that now is the time 
to make votes for the party candidate. The 
Nation can be thoroughly aroused for ex- 
Governor Sulzer before the convention and 
at that time his nomination will bring the 
prenomination campaign to a white heat 
and spread like prairie fire from the St. 
Paul convention to all parts of the Nation. 

Now is the time to concentrate on a can- 
didate like ex-Governor Sulzer. Much work 
can be done that will greatly add to the 
strength of the campaign. 

SULZER FOR PRESIDENT. 

(Editorial from the Illinois Banner, the 
Leading Prohibition Paper in Illinois, 

February 24. 1916.) 
The presidential campaign is approaching 
and the Prohibition Party leaders should be 
looking out for candidates that will lead 
on to victory. The presidential nominee 
must be, first of all, an honest, conscien- 
tious man, a true Prohibitionist, and a lead- 

46 



er who can command men and women and 
secure votes. 

We must have a broad and firmly con- 
structed platform covering all necessary re- 
forms — a platform upon which all reform 
voters may unite and elect our Prohibition 
Party candidates. There are many members 
of the Progressive Party that will go into 
some other reform party when their party 
goes to pieces, as it surely will at the twin 
national convention in Chicago. These re- 
form voters are nearly all prohibitionists in 
theory, and they will become prohibitionists 
in reality whenever they can see>signs of 
success in the Prohibition Party. 

The American Party has been organized 
in a number of States on a platform almost 
identical with the Prohibition Party plat- 
form. In the State of New York the Amer- 
ican Party joined with the Prohibition 
Party for the Hon. William Sulzer, who 
was their candidate for governor of that 
State in 1914, and polled 127,600 votes— six 
times more than the average Prohibition 
vote. Mr. Sulzer made a wonderful showing 
in his campaign. 

The Illinois Banner believes that the Hon. 
William Sulzer, of New York, is the logical 
candidate for President on the Prohibition 
Party ticket. Mr. Sulzer is a sincere Pro- 
hibitionist. He is an ideal leader of men 
and measures, the best campaigner and vote 
getter in the country. In fact, we believe 
Sulzer is the man to lead the Prohibition 
Party on to victory. Like one of old, Mr. 
Sulzer "would rather be right than be Presi- 
dent." He has been tested and came out 
without a blemish, though hounded and vil- 
ified by the notorious Murphy, leader of the 
Tammany gang of grafters. Mr. Sulzer 
served nine terms — 18 years — in the Con- 

47 



gress of the United States, after serving 
several terms, and as Speaker, of the New 
York State Assembly. His record is an 
open book — and a platform in itself. 

Nominate Sulzer for President and select 
some well-known western man for Vice- 
President, and next November the victory 
for prohibition will have been won if all of 
the enemies of the liquor traffic will do their 
duty. 



GOVERNOR SULZER POINTS THE 

WAY TO SUCCESS. 
(Editorial from the Sentinel, the Leading 

Prohibition Paper in the State of New 
York, February 8, 1916.) 

Former Governor William Sulzer is a man 
who does things. His record proves that 
he has that indefinable quality of knowing 
how. While others wait Sulzer acts. 

Mr. Sulzer wants to abolish the manufac- 
ture and the sale of intoxicating liquors 
in the United States by taxing the evil out 
of existence. His remedy is constitutional, 
and the simplest and the quickest rem- 
edy that can be applied. Hence every pro- 
hibitionist, every believer in temperance, 
every advocate of the Constitutional Amend- 
ment, every anti-saloon leaguer, every local 
optionist and every friend of the Cause 
should get together and line up in the fight 
for Sulzer and the Sulzer plan. 

Mr. Sulzer is a great leader. He says 
that he will lead where any friend of the 
Cause will follow; and that he will follow 
where any friend of the Cause will lead. 
What man can say more? What man can 
do more? Where can the Prohibitionists of 
the country find an abler, a more experi- 
enced, a more eloquent, and a more popu- 
lar leader than William Sulzer? He has 

48 



spent 18 years in Congress, and has had a 
longer legislative experience than any man 
in the country. Mr. Sulzer knows Washing- 
ton like a book. He is popular, respected, 
and well known to the people of the entire 
country. We believe if the right kind of a 
fight is made, under his leadership, we can 
win this year. To that end we shall do all 
in our power to nominate Mr. Sulzer. 

Another thing — just as important. Mr. 
Sulzer can unite the reform forces in Amer- 
ica behind our campaign to abolish the 
manufacture and sale of alcoholic liquors, 
and for other reforms — to many peo- 
ple just as important — and he sounds the ' 
keynote for the battle! "United we win; 
divided we lose." He proved that in 1914, 
in his great campaign for governor. Mr. 
Sulzer is the unchallenged leader of the 
American Party. He carried the banner for 
the Prohibition Party in the State of New 
York in the last gubernatorial campaign and 
polled six times more votes than we usually 
receive. He stands unequivocally for pro- 
hibition, and has had the American Party 
declare for it. No man in America has done 
more for the cause of prohibition. He is to- 
day its foremost advocate, and the best- 
equipped general in command of its forces. 

Mr. Sulzer is the greatest campaigner in 
America. He stands squarely for the re- 
forms we want. He has the faculty of pre- 
senting them more eloquently and more con- 
vincingly to the voters than any' other man 
in the country. He knows what to say and 
how to say it. He knows what to do and 
how to do it. He knows how to get the 
votes, and votes tell. Without the votes we 
can not win. With the votes we shall win. 
Why not get the votes? Why not win? It 
is all very clear to us. 

49 



Let us help Mr. Sulzer in every way we 
can. If he is willing to lead let us agree 
to follow him. If we do follow him he will 
lead us to victory. "Sulzer and success" 
should be the battle cry of every true blue 
prohibitionist from now until the polls close 
in the campaign of 1916. 



LET US NOMINATE A WINNER. 

(Editorial from Illinois Banner, April 19, 
1916.) 

If the Prohibitionists of the country have 
the good sense to grasp a great opportunity 
they will nominate ex-Governor Sulzer, of 
New York, for President. 

Mr. Sulzer is on record squarely for Pro- 
hibition. He has been advocating for years 
the popular reforms the people now de- 
mand. He is well known by the voters of 
the country. He is a great campaigner. He 
is a vote getter. He knows how to win. He 
combines elements of strength possesed by 
no other candidate. He can combine the 
Prohibition, the Patriotic, the Progressive 
and the Reform Forces of the country. The 
people love him for the enemies he has 
made. 

We want Sulzer — and a campaign of Vim, 
Vigor and Victory. 



SULZER THE CHOICE. 



(Editorial in Clean Commonwealth, May 21, 
1916.) 
"Former Governor William Sulzer will be 
our candidate. The overwhelmingly large 
vote he received in the primaries in Minne- 
sota and Wisconsin proves it. He is to- 
day the choice of the Prohibitionists and 
the Progressives of the country. He will 
be the choice of the Prohibition voters when 
our convention meets in St. Paul. And the 



50 



few kickers, and the few reactionaries, can- 
not stop the tide that is setting in for the 
former governor of New York." 

SULZER OR BRYAN. 



(Editorial in Patriotic Phalanx, May 16, 

1916.) 
"When the nomination is made; when the 
reform forces finally settle down on some 
great leader like Sulzer, or Bryan, let all of 
us get behind the successful candidate and 
push, and do it with all our might. This 
year is to be an epochal year for prohibi- 
tion." 



GOVERNOR SULZER AND A GREAT 
CAMPAIGN TO WIN. 



(From Editorial in Looking Glass, May 18, 
1916.) 
"Former Governor Sulzer will make a 
whirlwind campaign from one end of the 
country to the other. It will be a fight 
to the finish. It will be one of the most 
remarkable and spectacular campaigns ever 
held in this country. We know what we 
are talking about. William Sulzer ought 
to poll three million votes. This will not 
be enough to elect him, but it will elect 
Prohibition, by giving it such an impetus 
that nothing can stop its triumph in 1920." 



SULZER'S NAME A HOUSEHOLD 
WORD— THAT'S AN ASSET. 



(From Editorial in the Progressive Ameri- 
can, June 9, 1916.) 
"With Governor Sulzer as our standard 
bearer we move forward, and the grand old 
Prohibition Party takes a front seat in poli- 

51 



tics. Don't forget William Sulzer is the 
best vote-getter in America. He will cut 
the Democratic vote in two. His name is 
a household word. The bosses hate him; 
but we love him for the enemies he has 
made in the cause of righteousness." 



MR. SULZER SETTLES IT. 



(Reprinted from Editorial in the Star of 
Hope, June 1, 1916.) 

A few Prohibitionists have charged Mr. 
Sulzer with being a Democrat. That ques- 
tion is settled by Mr. Sulzer himself in the 
statement that he is a Prohibitionist. Mr. 
Sulzer is not begging the Prohibition Party 
to nominate him. He is now working hard 
to get another candidate other than himself, 
a candidate who has not been mentioned a 
dozen times seriously by the Prohibition 
press, and yet a candidate who is known 
in every home in America. If this man 
can be brought over Mr. Sulzer will be re- 
sponsible for it. 

Mr. Sulzer says plainly that he will sup- 
port the Prohibition Party. This, of course, 
would leave any man to be his own judge as 
to the extent of the support he would ren- 
der. Certainly, should some old line Pro- 
hibitionist be nominated at St. Paul over 
such a man as Sulzer, then surely neither 
he, nor any other sensible man, would 
tear his hair up a very great deal nor render 
himself hoarse by campaigning very ardent- 
ly for votes, for all of them would know it 
would make but little difference as to how 
great a campaign was made — but few votes 
can be polled for a straight-jacket Prohibi- 
tionist. 

THE END. 

52 



3toe inform 

Entered u iecond-cUu matter January 10, 1910. at pott • 

A Weekly Report Concerning Moral Reforms 
Published at 61 State Street, Albany, N. Y., by 
Superintendent of the New York Civic Leagi 



Vol. 4 



Albany, N. Y., July 18 



Vicious Attacks Upon Go> 

All Are Inspired by Boss 

We have said little in The Bulletin about tl 
Governor Sulzer, made or inspired by Boss Mur] 
have thought it scarcely worth while. Governor 
book. His record in Congress was a creditable or 1 
has certainly been most commendable. He has c 
as Governor. We may not agree with everything 
of us, he is human, but we know his heart is rigl 
should make mistakes. 

We do not believe the good people of this 
the vicious, scandalous attacks being made upon 
character as Charles F. Murphy, the Tammany 
instigated by the Boss because Governor Sulzer 
wants. That explains it all. 

Governor Sulzer knows things about Boss Mu 
to tell and which we think at the proper time he 
training has not properly fitted him for directing 
of this great State. Twenty years ago Murphy 
and running a Bowery saloon ; two years age he 
running the whole State, including the Governoi 
most of the State departments! This year Murp 
the Legislature and some of the State departments 
run Governor Sulzer. 

Early this year. Murphy met the Governor ar 
did not make the appointments which he ( Mn rnhvl 



need fear 
eminent 1 

Our 
friends a 
party is f 
State mu 
must be 
my life I 
humanity 

Wha 
to be a t 
Let him s 
mate rest 

In c< 
to the sti 
great exj 
and the c 
all honor 
for all th 
and good 
there and 

FIC 

The 
thing exc 
will not a 
inch gun 
folly, for 
Why the 
fight a p 
the bosse 
because t 
against tl 
as well as 



Tail- 
ing- leader 
1>een done 
the great ; 
voters con 
the repres< 



•iazinc iubimim jo uoijBDipuiA aqi aq \\itk jqdoad aq} jo pip-m Mfcl 

oin 8uis puB 'mou siuoi-uun iwq* }B 3 q sduiins jaqqru puB spddnd puB ftylf*. 
■re pus .sauJBR am P UB *&&*¥( aqj Wl uoipap J9*}B *Bp oip s.qi az rrew JJ m 

aqi ■joujoao') oqi a^Jlfui *otiUB? HQUB-J^nUA p«B Aiuunpo Mazing ureqi!^ 4-" 
|.m,,'i P ub japuBig aaaJBOjBonjioa siq jib in wopq sb* «A3 aq umn sass?m atj 



element of the Democratic party all over the State is with Governor Sulzer and 
we believe the best element of all parties is with him. If the State-wide direct 
primary bill is not passed before the next State conventions meet, Murphy and 
Barnes will doubtless both nominate men whom they can rule as their puppets 
while Governor. This is why we urge Governor Sulzer to stand firm for the 
passage of a State-wide Direct Primary bill. 

Remember, if the corrupt bosses could control Governor Sulzer they would 
not be attacking him now. Do not forget that the Governor is fighting graft, 
■fighting for direct primaries; fighting for good government. Every honest citizen 
in our State should now sustain the Governor. If Sulzer is beaten by the bosses 
the cause of reform will be checked for many many years. Help all you can. 

We urge every pastor to write and have several of his leading laymen to 
write to their Republican and Democratic County Chairmen warning them that 
they will support no man for the Assembly this year who will not publicly promise 
to support Governor Sulzer's state-wide direct primary bill. 

The editor of The Bulletin has watched with great interest the battle between 
Governor Sulzer and the Bosses, and we believe that he is sincere and firmly deter- 
mined to do his very best to secure passage of a state-wide direct primary law which 
will be of untold value to the moral forces of this State in the years to come. Every citizen, 
irrespective of his political affiliation, who believes in clean government and honest politics 
and who is opposed to graft of every kind, should back up Governor Sulzer in the terrible 
battle which he is now waging for the welfare of our State. 

WHY THE GRAFTERS HOUND THE GOVERNOR. 
Interesting Letter from Governor Sulzer. 

State of New York, Executive Chamber, Albany, 
Rev. O. R. Miller, July 14, 1913. 

61 State Street, Albany, N. Y.: 

My dear Mr. Miller. — Yours received. I want to thank you for all you 
are doing to help in the struggle to give the people of New York honest 
government and direct nominations. 

You have no conception of the obstacles put in my way. Neither have you 
any idea of the difficulties that beset me. Often I am sick at heart; but then 
words of assurance like yours come to hand, and I take renewed hope to go 
forward with determination. 

When the political bosses found out they could not control me, and make 
me a rubber stamp, they threatened to destroy me politically, and they have 
been doing everything in their power, ever since, to that end. 

However, I have no fear of the ultimate result. The people will win. The 
truth will prevail, and right makes might. In the future as in the past, you, 
and all our friends, can rely on me to do my duty to all the people, as I see 
the right, and God gives me the light, regardless of political or personal con- 
sequences. 

Of course the grafters are hounding me. Mr. Murphy and his hirelings 
necessarily are traducing me. They have had detectives following me around, 
and searching high and low to find out everything I have ever done since my 
birth. Why? Just to get some mud, if possible, to throw at me. 

However, I can assure you there is little, or nothing, in any of the charges 
they make against me. Most of the stuff they get in the newspapers is base- 
less, and pure fabrication. They know this, and they know it will not in the 
last analysis hurt me; but they also know it worries my mother and annoy," 
Mrs. Sulzer. 

When Boss Murphy told me he would destroy me if I did not do his bid- 
ding, I defied him to do his worst, and declared I would continue to do my best. 
The fight for good government will go on. The bridges are burned. With the 
aid of the decent, God-fearing people of our State I shall go forward, come 
what may With best wishes, believe me, as ever, very sincerely your friend, 

WM. SULZER. 



si 



EotertJ u i«ohJ-cLim milltr Juturf 10. 1910. It port •dice it AlWny. N. Y. 

A Weekly Report Concerning Moral Reforms in the State of fl 

Published at 61 State Street, Albany, N. Y., by Rev. O. R. Miller, 

Superintendent of the New York Civic League. 23 cents per year 

V 1 ,. 4. «^s»3 Albany, N. Y., July 18, 1013 

Vicious Attacks Upon Governor Sulzi 

AH Are Inspired by Boss Murphy. 

We have said little in The Bulletin about the many vicious ; 
Governor Sulzer, made or inspired by Boss Murphy of Tammany 
have thought it scarcely worth while. Governor Sulzer's life recor 
book. His record in Congress was a creditable one and his record 
has certainly been most commendable. He has doubtless made sc 
as Governor. We may not agree with everything he has done, for 
of us, he is human, but we know his heart is right, even if someti 
should make mistakes. 

We do not believe the good people of this State will give ; 
the vicious, scandalous attacks being made upon Governor Sulze 
character as Charles F. Murphy, the Tammany Boss. The}' are 
instigated by the Boss because Governor Sulzer will not do \vl 
wants. That explains it all. 

Governor Sulzer knows things about Boss Murphy which we tl 
to tell and which we think at the proper time he will tell. Murp 
training has not properly fitted him for directing the affairs anc 
of this great State. Twenty years ago Murphy was wearing a 
and running a Bowery saloon ; two years age he was wearing a 
running the whole State, including the Governor, Senate and A 
most of the State departments! This year Murphy has been abl< 
the Legislature and some of the State departments, but he has not 
run Governor Sulzer. 

Early this year, Murphy met the Governor and told him plai 
did not make the appointments which he (Murphy) recommended 1 
ruin his administration and disgrace the Governor personally. Go 
refused positively to make the appointments desired by Murphy and 
is trying to carry out his threat to ruin the Governor's administratior 
him personally. The decent people of this State ought to stand by 
for the enemies he has made. It is to the Governor's credit that he 
attacked by such a vile character as Hoss Murphy and his henchme 
gang will doubtless devise some more " frame-ups " against the I io 
the end they will all prove boomerangs against Tammany, who sta 
The Bulletin did not support Governor Sulzer for election h 
thought he was too close to Tammany Coss Murphy, but he is 
enough away from Murphy now. lie has burned the bridges be 
he will never return to Tammany Hall. Tammany will never allow 
rc-nominated for Governor in the future if their r-Qn nrm^nt it 



direct nominations unless he rt&ftts to be the creature df invisible got 
ather than the servant <>f popular government 

State-wide direct primary bill is a good measure. I am for it. M 

e For it. Every good citizen is for it. The platform of nearly ever 
or it. * >n this issue there is no middle ground. The Democrats of tri 
il stand with their Democratic Governor for direct primaries, or the 
against the Democratic platform. Every Democrat must decide, \ 

have fought for the right; for the truth; for simple justice, and f< 

1 shall not change now. 
t honest Democrat in our State wants me to be false to our platform 

aitor to our party: and to l»e a deserter in the performance of duty 
peak out. In this cause for direct primaries 1 have no fear of the tdt 
lit. The people are sure to win. 

inclusion, let me thank you for your cordial greeting. T wish all succes 
ulents of this College. You are on the threshold of the larger life— • 
testations — of widening opportunities. You are the coming teacher 
oming mothers of our country. Gpd bless you, each and every one, an 
to the man. Dr. McKenzie and his assistants for all they have done, an 
ey are doing so unselfishly to make you useful women, brave womei 

women, women who will do your duty in every walk of life, here an 

everywhere. 

}HT WITH TWELVE-INCH OR THREE-INCH GUNS? 

Bosses are anxious to compromise and are willing to surrender even 
ept the State convention, but Governor Sulzer, representing the peopl 
ccept such terms. For the Governor to allow the enemy to hold a twelvt 
in order that the people may get a three-inch gun, would l>e the utmo> 

the battle must still continue with the Bosses until they are conquerec 
n place ourselves in a position where with three-inch guns we mu 
owerful and entrenched enemy with twelve-inch guns? The enem; 
s. though now apparently strong, are really in a demoralized conditio 
hey fear the people on election day. The people must keep batterin 
ie now weakened walls of the terrified enemy until the twelve-inch gun 

the three-inch guns are captured and the enemy utterly routed. 

DIRECT PRIMARIES IS THE ISSUE. 
Editorial, Albany Knickerbocker Press, July 15th. 
many's theory of warfare seems to be that if it succeeds in blackening the oppo; 
or witness, its own crimes will be forgotten and condoned. In spite of all thai hi 
during the last two or three months to distract public attention in New York Stat 
nd insistent issue is that of a genuine direct primary law. Shall the bosses or tli 
trol the nominating power? Shall two men dictate legislation at Albany or sha 
ntatives of the people be free to legislate in accordance with the wishes of the 
s? It might be presumed that these are unnecessary questions; nevertheles 
a serious condition of affairs. They mean that representative government i 
State has been turned into a plaything for commercialized bosses and that a 
•ct primary law will be resisted by the beneficiaries of the boss system to the hitU 
people should not forget that the one big question still before them is whefhc 
• bosses are to rule the State government. 

THE PEOPLE ARE WITH GOVERNOR SULZER. 

Editorial in the Albany Argus, June 27th. 
■rnor Sulzer has made a great fight for a great principle. lie is a brave man an 
strated heroic qualities of leadership. He has shown that he cannot be threatened 

owbeaten or intimidated. He has defied the bosses to do their worst, lie laugl' 
■•• •• : - <" .l.-tr.,v him nolitieallv. Governor Sulzer to-day is stronger and mot 



GOVERNOR SULZER 



THE POLITICAL BOSSES 



AND 



THE LEGISLATURE 



STATEMENT BY THE GOVERNOR 

STATEMENT BY HIS COUNSEL 

THE GOVERNOR'S LAST MESSAGE TO THE 
LEGISLATURE 

COMMENT OF NEWSPAPER CORRE- 
SPONDENTS 

THE GOVERNOR'S SPEECH AT CORNING 



need fear direct nominations unless he wants to be the creature of invisible gov- 
ernment rather than the servant of popular government. 

Our State-wide direct primary bill is a good measure. I am for it. My 
friends are for it. Every good citizen is for it. The platform of nearly every 
party is for it. On this issue there is no middle ground. The Democrats of the 
State must stand with their Democratic Governor for direct primaries, or they 
must be against the Democratic platform. Every Democrat must decide. All 
my life I have fought for the right ; for the truth ; for simple justice, and for 
humanity. I shall not change now. 

What honest Democrat in our State wants me to be false to our platform; 
to be a traitor to our party; and to be a deserter in the performance of duty? 
Let him speak out. In this cause for direct primaries I have no fear of the ulti- 
mate result. The people are sure to win. 

In conclusion, let me thank you for your cordial greeting. I wish all success 
to the students of this College. You are on the threshold of the larger life — of 
great expectations — of widening opportunities. You are the coming teachers, 
and the coming mothers of our country. God bless you, each and every one, and 
all honor to the man, Dr. McKenzie and his assistants for all they have done, and 
for all they are doing so unselfishly to make you useful women, brave women, 
and good women, women who will do your duty in every walk of life, here and 
there and everywhere. 

FIGHT WITH TWELVE-INCH OR THREE-INCH GUNS? 

The Bosses are anxious to compromise and are willing to surrender every- ' 
thing except the State convention, but Governor Sulzer, representing the people, 
will not accept such terms. For the Governor to allow the enemy to hold a twelve- 
inch gun in order that the people may get a three-inch gun, would be the utmost 
folly, for the battle must still continue with the Bosses until they are conquered. | 
Why then place ourselves in a position where with three-inch guns we must 
fight a powerful and entrenched enemy with twelve-inch guns? The enemy, 
the bosses, though now apparently strong, are really in a demoralized condition 
because they fear the people on election day. The people must keep battering ' 
against the now weakened walls of the terrified enemy until the twelve-inch guns 
as well as the three-inch guns are captured and the enemy utterly routed. 

DIRECT PRIMARIES IS THE ISSUE. 

Editorial, Albany Knickerbocker Press, July 15th. 

Tammany's theory of warfare seems to be that if it succeeds in blackening the oppos- ■ 
ing leader or witness, its own crimes will be forgotten and condoned. In spite of all that has 
been done during the last two or three months to distract public attention in New York State, 
the great and insistent issue is that of a genuine direct primary law. Shall the bosses or the 
voters control the nominating power? Shall two men dictate legislation at Albany or shall > 
the representatives of the people be free to legislate in accordance with the wishes of their 
constituents ? It might be presumed that these are unnecessary questions ; nevertheless, 
they imply a serious condition of affairs. They mean that representative government in | 
New York State has been turned into a plaything for commercialized bosses and that an 
honest direct primary law will be resisted by the beneficiaries of the boss system to the bitter 
end. The people should not forget that the one big question still before them is whether 
they or the bosses are to rule the State government. 

THE PEOPLE ARE WITH GOVERNOR SULZER. 

Editorial in the Albany Argus, June 27th. 
Governor Sulzer has made a great fight for a great principle. He is a brave man and . 
has demonstrated heroic qualities of leadership. He has shown that he cannot be threatened 
cajolechjjrowbeaten or intimidated. He has defied the bosses to do their worst. He laughs I 
at their threats to destroy him politically. Governor Sulzer to-day is stronger_aj2ilJBMBB 
loved by the masses than he ever was before in all his political career. Slander and libel 
will not hurt William Sulzer. Calumny and vituperation cannot injure the Governor. The 
people are with him. They know he is right. They will follow his lead. The creatures of 
the bosses will realize this the day after election. Let the Murphys and the Barnes' and all 
of their hirelings and puppets and rubber stamps beat their tom-toms now, and sing the 
praises of the bosses. They will have a different song to sing when the election returns 
come in. The verdict of the people will be the vindication of William Sulzer. 



WHY A DIRECT PRIMARY LAW IS NEEDED. 

From an address by Governor Sulzer, the afternoon of May 20 nm ,t ri,» m ■ r 11 • 
for Women, the oldest College for Women in America * <&S$$£& ^ortS) 

Dr McKenzie, President of the College, when introducing the Governor said ■ 

"Your Excellency one of our most beautiful young ladies. Miss Hutchinson 
the representative of the Association of Suffragettes, in this Colleee wants to 
decorate you. The young lady then stepped forward and pinned a bow of satin 
ribbon on the lapel of the Governor's coat. Governor Sulzer said ■ 

Dr. McKenzie and ladies: It is a real pleasure for me to meet you and to 
greet you, on this beautiful afternoon. I had no idea there were so manv ?ood 
looking young women in the Elmira College. Dr. McKenzie is to be corWratu 
lated upon the intelligence, the neat appearance, and the enthusiasm of his stu 
dents. I would not mind being a teacher here myself. (Laughter and applause 1 

We are making a trip through the State to tell the people something about 
direct primaries. You know about the fight we are having in Albany to secu e 
this reform. Perhaps it will not be amiss to say a word to you about the matter. 
Two Kinds of Primaries. 

There are two kinds of primaries— direct primaries and indirect primaries 
Indirect primaries mean the old delegate system by which the Bosses nominate all 
the candidates for public office. Direct primaries— which we advocate— mean 
that the voters will nominate all the candidates. That is the difference between 
the two. Very simple is it not ? 

The Bosses tell us the voters have enough brains, in their opinion, to nominal e 
a Constable, but they haven't enough brains to nominate a Governor. We differ 
with them about that. We assert that the voters of the State of New York are 
just as capable as the Bosses to nominate all candidates for public office. 

As a matter of fact, I would rather trust the voters to make the nominations 
than to trust the Bosses. I believe a million and a half voters in the State of New 
York can nominate just as good men for public office as the two political bosses. 

When two men defy the inherent rights of a million and a half voters I know 
what is going to happen. These two Bosses can prevent the Legislature, which 
they now control, from passing our direct primaries bill, but when public opinion 
gets after these Boss-owned members of the Legislature they will ultimately sur- 
render. Time is on our side. There never was a time in our history, and there 
never will be a time in our history when a couple of political bosses could defeat 
for long the just demands of a million and a half determined citizens. 

Blood Will Tell. 

They tell me Dr. McKenzie is a Scotch Presbyterian. My mother's ancestry 
was of Scotch-Irish stock. I have in me some of that fighting blood. The Rosses 
said, when I began this direct primary campaign, that I would not fight. Thai I 
would be like Hughes and Dix, talk a little, and then give up the struggle. They 
know better than to say that now. 

If it is wise to trust the people with the power to nominate some public offi- 
cers, I am sure it is just as wise to trust them with the power to nominate all 
public officers. I believe it is just as wise to trust them to nominate a Governor 
as to trust them to nominate a Constable, and as wise to trust them to nominate 
a Judge of the Supreme Court as to trust them to nominate a Justice of the Peace. 

The people have been trusted with this power to nominate in man)' other 

States, and they have used it most intelligently to bring about good government 

and greatly improved political conditions. Let the Empire State put itself in 

lirtf with the foremost States in the Union, by favoring nominations by the voters, 

•f^rrtrs-only can we secure a government of the people. So if any one 1, II- you 

that direct nominations is not a good thing, you deny it. and point to wlial other 

States have done through the agency of this beneficent reform. 

Who Fears Direct Primaries? 

No man need fear direct primaries except. a man whose character, and whose 
ability, and whose mentality, cannot stand the searchlight of publicity. .\o man 



STATEMENT 

REGARDING THE POWER OF THE FRAWLEY 
COMMITTEE 

TO ANNOY AND HARASS THE GOVERNOR 
AND OTHER CITIZENS OF THE STATE. 

By Valentine Taylor, Counsel to the Governor. Dated July 24, 1913 



STATEMENT. 

The attention of the Executive Department has been 
called to the fact that Eugene Lamb Richards, acting 
as counsel to the Frawley Committee, has issued a 
request in letter form, and sent the same to many 
state officials and other citizens of the State, in sub- 
stance, requesting that they furnish information to 
Mr. Richards, or the Committee, as to what campaign 
contributions, if any, they have made during the State 
campaign last year, which resulted in the election of 
Governor Sulzer. 

The letter requests that it be specified whether such 
campaign contribution was made by cash, or by check ; 
to whom it was made; — when it was made; how it 
came to be made ; and for what purposes it was made, 
etc., etc. 

Mr. Richards' letter, further states in substance, 
that if such information is furnished no subpoena to 
testify before the Frawley Committee on such subject 
will be served upon the person furnishing such infor- 
mation. 

Neither the Committee, nor Mr. Richards, as its 
counsel, has any authority whatever to make such an 
unwarranted demand, accompanied by threat of sub- 
poena. 



THE POWEE OF THE FRAWLEY COMMITTOR 

There can be do misunderstanding or misappre 
aension as to the scope of the power and authority of 
the Frawley Committee. The Legitimate functions of 

this Committee are prescribed and defined by a con- 
current resolution, which the Legislature adopted on 
May 3, 1913, which gives the Committee power: 

" to examine into the methods of financial ad- 
ministration and conduct of all institutions, so- 
cieties or associations of the State, which are sup- 
ported either wholly or in part by state moneys, 
or which report officially to the state ; into the func- 
tions of any or all State Departments concerned 
in the management, supervision or regulation of 
any of such Departments ; the methods of making 
purchases, fixing salaries, awarding contracts for 
supplies, buildings, repairs and improvements, the 
sale of manufactured articles, and the conduct gen- 
erally of the business of all such institutions and 
departments, for the purpose of reporting to the 
next session of the legislature such laws relating 
thereto, as the committee may deem proper." 

The exact language of this resolution, passed at the 
regular session of the Legislature, is specific as to the 
functions and powers of this Committee. 

THE THOMPSON RESOLUTION VOID. 

No lawyer of intelligence would honestly attempt to 
maintain that a certain resolution introduced in the 
Senate during the present extraordinary session, by 
Senator Thompson, purporting to enlarge the powers 
and functions of the Frawley Committee, is of any 
force or effect. 



This so-called Thompson resolution is absolutely 
void under the express provisions of section 4 of 
article IV of the State Constitution, which provides : 

"At an extraordinary session no subjects shall 
be acted upon except such as the governor may 
recommend for consideration." 

Governor Sulzer made no recommendation to this 
extraordinary session of the Legislature relating to 
the subjects covered, or referred to, in the resolution 
introduced by Senator Thompson, and its passage by 
the Senate and Assembly, in violation of the consti- 
tutional prohibition, reveals a lack of all good faith 
and honest purpose in its introduction and passage. 
It is null and void. 

KICHARDS' THREATS. 

The attempt of Mr. Richards, by his threat of sub- 
poena, to secure information which he must know, and 
which the Committee itself must know relates to a 
subject matter, concerning which the Committee is 
wholly without authority and jurisdiction, is nothing 
less than an abuse and misuse of legislative proced- 
ure and process, and an unwarranted and unlawful 
attempt at coercion of the citizens, in violation of the 
State Constitution itself. 

Governor Sulzer has already announced, and desires 
to reiterate, that he is not only desirous, but is anxious 
to aid the Frawley Committee in every proper way, 
through every appropriate means, so long as it con- 
fines itself to the legitimate scope of its powers and 
functions as prescribed by the concurrent resolution, 
passed by the Legislature on May 3, 1913. 



THE FRAWLET COMMITTEE WILL NUT BE 
AIDED TO DISCREDIT THE EXECUTIVE. 

It is not to be expected, nor will the Governor co- 
operate with the Committee when it. attempts to use 

its powers, and the more so when it usurps to itself 
unwarranted jurisdiction and authority, for the pur- 
pose of going on a fishing expedition, with the view 
of securing data to discredit the Executive in any of 
his actions done in the performance of his duty under 
the Constitution and laws. 

The subject matter of the inquiry in Mr. Richards' 
letter, being absolutely without and beyond the juris- 
diction and legitimate functions of the Frawley Com- 
mittee, and his implied threat that unless the desired 
information be furnished, a subpoena would be served, 
compelling the citizens to testify before the Com- 
mittee, is an idle threat and no attention should be 
paid to it whatsoever by any citizen in the State. 

THE POWER OF THE COMMITTEE. 

It is possible that the Committee or its coun- 
sel, may issue a subpoena under the guise that the 
witness is desired to be interrogated respecting 
matters legitimately within its jurisdiction as covered 
by the resolution of May 3, 1913, and the witness so 
served would be required under Section 1239 of the 
Penal Law to obey such a subpoena and appear before 
the Committee, but such unwarranted abuse of process 
would have no further effect. 

Such a witness being placed upon the witness stand 
could refuse to answer any questions relating to po- 
litical contributions, on the ground that such questions 



did not relate to the subject matter within the juris- 
diction of the Committee, or pertinent to the inquiry. 

The citizen who may be interested is hereby advised 
that the Supreme Court of the United States has held 
that neither branch of the Legislature, or a legislative 
committee, can be invested with a general power of 
making inquiry into the private affairs of a citizen. 

Further that the highest court stated, ' ' it cannot be 
too often repeated — that the principles that embody 
the essence of constitutional liberty and security for- 
bid all invasions on the part of the government and its 
employees of the sanctity of a man's home and the 
privacies of his life. Of all the rights of the citizen, 
few are of greater importance or more essential to 
his peace and happiness than the right of personal 
security and that involves not merely protection of his 
person from assault but exemption of his private 
affairs, books and papers from the inspection and 
scrutiny of others. ' ' 

THE GOVERNOR'S POSITION. 

The Governor of a State as representing the execu- 
tive branch of the State government, is entitled to that 
immunity from encroachment by either the judicial or 
the legislative branches of the government on that 
fundamental theory and maxim of American constitu- 
tions, known as the tripartite separation of powers. 

A large number of judicial precedents exist, both 
Federal and State, to the effect that the Executive 
branch of the government is independent of the legis- 
lative and judicial branches and that no one of the 
three departments can usurp the powers of any of the 
others, or invade the rights or jurisdiction of any 
other department, either through a committee or any 
other agency. 



THE GOVERNOR'S CHALLENGE TO THE 
FRAWLET? COMMITTEE. 

If the Frawley Committee is sincere and honest in 
its purpose to examine into campaign contributions of 

(lie (lection of the fall of 1912 in this State, the Gov- 
ernor desires to announce to all who may be interested 
that he will gladly and unreservedly give his best 
efforts to assist the Committee in this respect, pro- 
vided the Committee will give some evidence of its 
honesty and sincerity in the matter by calling Charles 
F. Murphy, Philip Donohue, and others, whose names 
he Avill furnish, place them on the witness stand, and 
permit them to be examined under oath, regarding all 
the contributions they received, and for which they 
never accounted. 

Under such circumstances the Executive will render 
every possible assistance in this matter which the 
Committee has intimated it desires thoroughly to in- 
vestigate, but unless some such evidence of the Fraw- 
ley Committee's sincerity is forthcoming, the Gov- 
ernor, on the advice of eminent counsel whom he has 
consulted, will instruct the staff of the Executive De- 
partment, and all others called or subpoenaed, that 
when the Frawley Committee attempts to usurp un- 
warranted authority and exercise jurisdiction on sub- 
jects not within the legitimate scope of its functions, 
that no attention whatever be paid to their communica- 
tions or requests. 

JUDICIAL PRECEDENTS. 

A legislative committee can not be empowered by 

the Legislature, with the general power of making in- 
quiry into the private affairs of the citizens. 

On May 26, 1894, the Supreme Court of the United 
States, decided the ease of Interstate Commerce Com- 



9 

mission v. Brimson, 154 U. S. 447; 155 U. S. 3, Mr. 
Justice Harlan delivering the opinion of the court. In 
the prevailing opinion of Mr. Justice Harlan, the court 
states : 

" We do not overlook these constitutional limi- 
tations which, for the protection of personal 
rights, must necessarily attend all investigations 
conducted under the authority of Congress. 
Neither branch of the legislative department, still 
less any merely administrative body established 
by Congress, possesses, or can be invested with, a 
general power of making inquiry into the private 
affairs of the citizen. (Kilbourn v. Thompson, 
103 U. S. 168, 190.) We said in Boyd v. United 
States (116 U. S. 616, 630) — and it can not be too 
often repeated — that the principles that embody 
the essence of constitutional liberty and security 
forbid all invasions on the part of the Govern- 
ment and its employees of the sanctity of a man's 
home and the privacies of his life. As said by Mr. 
Justice Field in In re Pacific Railway Commission 
(32 Fed. Rep. 241, 250), < of all the rights of the 
citizen, few are of greater importance or more 
essential to his peace and happiness than the right 
of personal security, and that involves not merely 
protection of his person from assault, but exemp- 
tion of his private affairs, books and papers from 
the inspection and scrutiny of others.' 

" The inquiry whether a witness before the 
Commission is bound to answer a particular ques- 
tion propounded to him or to produce books, 
papers, etc., in his possession and called I'm- by 
that body is one that can not be committed to a 
subordinate administrative or executive tribunal 
for final determination. Such a body could not, 
under our system of government, and consistently 



10 



with due process of law, In- invested with author 
ity to compel obedience to its orders by a judg- 
ment of fine or imprisonment, Except in the 
particular instances enumerated in the constitu- 
tion, and considered in Anderson v. Dunn (6 
Wneat. 204) and in Kilbourn v. Thompson (103 
U. S. 1G8, 190) of the exercise by either House of 
CongToss of its right to punish disorderly be- 
havior uijon the part of its members, and to com- 
pel the attendance of witnesses, and the produc- 
tion of papers in election and impeachment cag 
and in cases that may involve the existence of 
those bodies, the power to impose fine or im- 
prisonment in order to compel the performance of 
a legal duty imposed by the United States can 
only be exerted, under the law of the land, by a 
competent judicial tribunal having jurisdiction in 
the premises. See Whitcomb's case (120 Mass. 
118) and authorities there cited." 

To the same effect see Hale v. Henkel, 201 U. S. 43; 
American Tobacco Co. v. Wcrclimcister, 207 U. S. 284. 

LEGISLATIVE PRECEDENTS. 

See also to the same effect, Congressional precedents 
as follows: 

Second session Twenty-fourth Congress, Journal, 
pp. 1G5, 16G (January 3, 1837). 

House Report, first session Twenty-fourth Congress 
No. 193, j). 2 of Journal of Report. 

Journal of Report, No. 1 ( X\, pp, 67-80 (January 25, 
1837). 

A hove Congressional precedents summarized in 
Hind's Precedents of the House of Representatives, 
Vol. 3, p. 94, section 1733. 



11 



NEW lUitK STATE PRECEDENTS. 

In the Matter of Barnes, 204 N. Y. 108 (January, 
1912), Mr. Barnes was a witness, and was required to 
produce the books of the Albany Journal. He offered 
to produce a transcript of the books, relating to all the 
business of the Journal Company with State officials. 
This was refused by the Committee, and Barnes was 
asked certain questions as to how he got his stock; 
what he paid for it ; whether he paid anything for it ; 
and whether it was given to him. 

These questions Mr. Barnes refused to answer and 
the Committee attempted to punish him for contempt 
lirough legal proceedings. 

The Court of Appeals held that Mr. Barnes was not 
required to answer these questions. 

The Court of Appeals took occasion to say in its 
opinion, by Judge Gray, at page 116 : 

" The evidence showed the practices of the com- 
pany in its transaction of the public business and 
its methods in dealing with jniblic officials, suffi- 
ciently for the committee to frame recommenda- 
tions, if any were deemed needful, for further 
legislation in the public interest." 

And at page 117 : 

" There was no occasion for going through the 
corporate books for the purpose of fishing for 
other facts, which might reflect discreditably upon 
the business methods of the company; with the 
result of exposing its business dealings to the 
world." 
And at page 118 : 

" Having the admissions and knowledge which 
the evidence afforded it, whatever conclusion it 



L2 



might Lena to, to permit the committee to proceed 
in the desired length would be necessary to the 
object of its Inquiry and make offensively inquisi- 
torial a proceeding aot visitorial in its nature, in 
the sense of being instituted for the inspection 
and control of the corporation itself. I think it 
was not ' a proper case ' for compelling the wit- 
ness to hring the corporate books." 

No witness can be compelled to testify to his per- 
sonal business, such things need not be disclosed to the 

Committee, under the statement by the witness that 
pursuant to section 856 of the Code, the questions are 
not pertinent, and in the language of section 854 of 
the Code, it is not " a proper case " to insist upon 
laying bare to the Committee the transactions in a 
person's private books, — such as private check books, 
or private account books — which items relate to the 
individual's business, and in no way relate to the 
official duties of the public officer under examination 
as a witness. 

THE LEGISLATURE HAS ADJOURNED. 

Under the Constitution, and the statutes, the at- 
tempt of the Legislature to pass a resolution for a re- 
cess from July 23, 1913, to August 11, 1913, when as a 
physical fact a quorum was not present; the closing 
of the Legislature and the departure of the members, 
by such unwarranted procedure as matter of law and 
as matter of fact, amounts to an abdication by the 
Legislature of all its legislative functions. 

Such an attempted recess, not in accordance with the 
constitutional provision, may be miscalled a legisla- 
tive recess, but must, and will be treated by the Execu- 
tive as a final abandonment of this extraordinary ses- 



13 



sion of the uegislature — extraordinary in more ways 
than one — of its further assemblage as a legislative 
body. 

It follows therefore that the Frawley Committee has 
no legal existence, or legislative power, save as denned 
in the resolution adopted May 3, 1913, and above set 
forth; that it must report to the next Legislature in 
1914 ; and that the Legislature for 1913 is no longer in 
existence, and by virtue of the Constitution and the 
laws cannot meet again this year, except by the proc- 
lamation of the Governor. 

VALENTINE TAYLOR, 

Counsel to the Governor. 
Dated, July 24, 1913. 



STATEMENT BY THE GOVERNOR. 

Thuesday Morning, July 24, 1913. 

" Several bills were passed by the Legislature 
last night," said Governor Sulzer to-day. " The 
newspaper correspondents inform me this morn- 
ing that there was not a quorum last night in 
either branch of the Legislature, and hence the 
passage of these bills was in violation of the Con- 
stitutional provision requiring that there shall be 
a quorum in each branch of the Legislature to pass 
a bill. 

"Article 3, section XV, of the Constitution pro- 
vides : 

" ' nor shall any bill be passed, except by the as- 
sent of the majority of the members elected to 
each branch of the legislature; ' 



1 [ 



11 i uere were only seventeen Senators present, 
and only thirty-seven members of Assembly, in 
the legislative session last night — not a quorum 
in either Eouse. These newspaper correspond- 
ents counted the members present and have their 
names. The facts cannot be successfully disputed. 

" However, section 40 of the Legislative Law- 
provides : 

" ' Upon the passage of a bill or concurrent 
resolution by either house, the presiding officer 
thereof shall append to such bill or resolution, a 
certificate of the date of its passage by the votes 
of a majority of all the members elected to such 
House. No bills shall be deemed to have so passed 
unless certified by the presiding officer, which cer- 
tificate to such effect shall be conclusive evidence 
thereof. ' 

" In the case of Matter of Stickney, 110 App. 
Div. 294 (1905) ; affd. 185 N. Y. 107. Writ of er- 
ror to review dismissed 209 U. S. 419 (1908). 

" The court in the opinion written by Appel- 
late Division questioned the constitutionality of 
section 40 of the Legislative Law as regards the 
provision that the certificate of the presiding offi- 
cer shall be conclusive evidence of its contents. 

" The court intimated that such provision was 
not within the Legislature's authority to enact and 
that it was unconstitutional and void, it being in 
direct conflict with article 3, section XV, of the 
State Constitution (quoted above), which specifi- 
cally provides: 

" ' Nor shall any bill be passed except by the 
assent of the majority of the members elected to 
each branch of the Legislature.' 



15 



" I sent for the Clerks of the Senate and the 
Assembly to-day," continued the Governor, " and 
requested the production of the records of the 
proceedings last night in the Legislature." 

"An examination of the Journals of the Senate 
and of the Assembly shows that 28 Senators were 
present and answered the roll call in the Senate; 
and that 98 Assemblymen were present and an- 
swered the roll call in the Assembly on each of 
these bills. This is officially certified to by the 
Presiding officers of the two branches of the 
Legislature. 

" I am advised that I am bound by the official 
records of the Assembly and the Senate notwith- 
standing the facts. The courts, if any question 
arises, must determine the matter on the evidence 
submitted. 

" In view of this," said the Governor in con- 
clusion, " I shall not return these bills for the 
reasons stated. Assuming that I am bound by the 
official records of the Legislature as to the pres- 
ence of a quorum, I must say that I indulge the 
hope that in the future the Legislature will not 
falsify its records." 

MESSAGE OF THE GOVERNOR, JULY 23, 1913. 
State of New York — Executive Chamber. 

Albany, July 23, 1913. 
To the Legislature: 

The regular session of this Legislature convened this 
year on January 1, 1913, and it adjourned on May 3, 
1913. 

Prior to the thirty-day period for the consideration 
of measures by the Executive, the Legislature had 



n; 



passed and sen! to the Executive, for his consideration, 
53] bills. < If these 442 were approved. A memoran- 
dum was filed with 22 of the measures. There were 
recalled 74 hills; and L5 were vetoed with separate 
veto messages. 

During the thirty-day period the Executive had 
under consideration 7<M hills. Of these 35] weir ap- 
proved; and 350 were vetoed, with 19 memoranda of 
approval and 5] memoranda of disapproval. 

All told, 79.'5 hills were enacted into laws, out of a 
total of L,232 hills, passed by the Legislature and sub- 
mitted to me for consideration. 

The financial hills passed by the Legislature, ex- 
cluding sinking fund and bond interest hills, aggre- 
gated a total of $55, 108,70;"). 25, made up as follows: 

General appropriations $30,236,987 29 

Genera] supply bill 6,916,922 60 

Special appropriations 17,954,795 36 



I approved $29,825,897.29 of the general appropria- 
tion hills; $4,178,505.73 of the general supply bill; and 
$13,778,862.2] of the special appropriation hills, mak- 
ing a total of $47,783,265.23. 

The total of financial items and bills which I vetoed 
amount to $7,325,440.02. 

During the regular session, the Legislature having 
failed to pass a hill for Direct Primaries, on Ma\ 8, 
L913, T issued a proclamation convening the Legisla- 
ture in extraordinary session to commence June 16, 
1913. 

'This extraordinary session of the Legislature was 
called for the purpose of considering the People's bill 
for State wide Direct Primaries. It has been in ses- 
sion for a few minutes now and then for a period of 



17 

over a month, but has signally failed to pass a State- 
wide Direct Primary bill, containing- provisions which 
I recommended, and which I believe should be on the 
statute books of our State. 

Since the extraordinary session convened, I have 
been urged, and for reasons which seemed to me to 
be quite sufficient, I have recommended for the con- 
sideration of the Legislature several other measures, 
concerning each of which I have sent to the Legis- 
lature a bill with a special message. They relate to 
the following matters : 

On June 18th, recommending the passage of a bill 
to submit to the voters of the State at the regular elec- 
tion in November, 1913, the question " Shall there be 
a convention to revise the Constitution and amend the 
samel " 

On June 23d, recommending temporary legislation 
relating to maintenance contracts on the highways. 

On June 23d, recommending the passage of a bill for 
the legal conveyance to the State, by the authorities 
of the city of New York, of the title to the land and 
appurtenances of the Long Island State Hospital. 

On June 24th, recommending the passage of a meas- 
ure exempting from sanitary inspection seed oyster 
beds within the State of New York. 

On June 24th, recommending the passage of a bill 
concerning the extension of the time when the law com- 
monly known as the " Housing Law," being Chapter 
774 of the Laws of 1913, shall take effect. 

On June 24th, recommending the. passage of a bill 
providing for the direct tax for the payment of inter- 
est and principal due on the State del, I. 

On June 25th, recommending necessary legislation 
relating to the appropriation by the State of foil 
bridges crossing the canals. 



is 



( )n June 25th, recommending legislation concerning 
the operation of the proposed terminal railway in the 
Borough of Brooklyn. 

On Jnne 25th, recommending thai Chapter 463 of 
the Laws of L913, entitled "An act to amend the Labor 
Law, in relation to bakeries," should not be effective 
against cellar bakeries until a certain time after May 
!), L913, when the law went into effect. 

On June 25th, recommending necessary Legislation 
to aid the State Architect's office in doing- its important 
work. 

On duly 8th, recommending the enactment of the 
optional city charter bill. 

( >n July L6th, recommending the enactment of essen- 
tial legislation to relieve disgraceful prison conditions 
in the State of New York. 

Since the convening of this extraordinary session I 
have sent the following appointments to the Senate 
lor confirmation : 

To Be a Trustee of Cornki/l University: 

John DeWitt Warner, of New York city, a former 
Member of Congress, and a well-known lawyer, lie 
is an alumnus of the university and peculiarly qualified 

for the duties of the office. 

For Commissioners of the State Reservation at 
Niaoara : 

ESlton T. Ransom, of Ransomville, N. Y. 
Ahram J. Blias, of Buffalo, N. Y. 
John I,. Bomer; of Buffalo, N. Y . 
Obadiah W. Cutler, of Niagara Falls, N. Y. 

These gentlemen are well-known citizens who take 
a deep and an abiding interest in the affairs of this 
reservation. 



19 



Fob Public Service Commissioners, Second District : 

William E. Leffingwell, of Watkins, N. Y., to succeed 
Frank W. Stevens, resigned. 

Mr. Leffingwell was formerly a conspicuous Member 
of Assembly. He is a successful business man of much 
experience and well qualified for the position. 

Charles J. Chase, of Croton-on-Hudson, N. Y., to 
succeed Curtis N. Douglas, term expired. 

Mr. Chase has been connected with the New York 
Central and Hudson River railroad for more than 
twenty years as a locomotive engineer. He is indorsed 
by railroad organizations, as well as by bankers, mer- 
chants, clergymen and distinguished citizens. 

For Commissioner of Labor : 

James M. Lynch, of Syracuse, N. Y., to succeed John 
Williams, resigned. 

Mr. Lynch is one of the foremost labor leaders in 
America. He is the President of the International 
Typographical Union, whose membership numbers 
more than 50,000 enrolled printers. Representatives 
from the allied printing trades ; various labor organi- 
zations, and many prominent citizens indorse Mr. 
Lynch for this important position. It is generally 
admitted he is well qualified to perform its arduous 
duties. 

For Commissioner of Prisons: 

. I nines T. Murphy, of Ogdensburg, N. Y., to succeed 
Edgar A. Newell, term expired. 

Mr. Murphy is a well-known merchant of Ogdens- 
burg, and takes great interest in these Institutions. 

Rudolph F. Diedling, M. I>., of Saugerties-on-Hud- 
son, N. Y., to succeed Simon Quick, term expired. 



20 



Dr. Diedliiig was ;il one time surgeon of the Elmira 
Reformatory, and is very conversanl with the duties 
of the office for which he has been selected. 

Fob Trustee O] the New York State Hospital fob 
tin; Treatment of [ncipient Pulmonary Tubeb 
culosis: 

George 1.. Brown, of Elizabethtown, N. V., to succeed 

Mail in K. McCIary, resigned. 

Mr. Brown is a well-known and respected citizen <>f 
Elizabethtown; editor of a newspaper, and the present 
Postmaster. 

Fob Trustee of the State College oi Forestry at 
Syracuse University : 

Francis Hendricks, of Syracuse, N. V., to succeed 
George E. Dunham, heretofore appointed and unable 
to serve. 

Mr. Hendricks is a highly respectable citizen of 

Syracuse. Me was formerly State Senator; Collector 
of the Port of New York, and State Superintendent of 
Insurance. 

For Hell Gate Pilot: 

Albert A. Fordham, of the City Island, N. Y., reap- 
pointed. Was appointed in 1912 upon the recommen- 
dation of the Board of Port Wardens. 

For Fire Island State Park Commissioners: 

Colonel Alfred Wagstaff, of New York city, to suc- 
ceed Samuel L. Parish, who declined reappointment. 

Colonel Wa.u'staff is too well known to need intro- 
duction. He resides on Lone; Island and is the Clerk 
of the Appellate Division, Supreme Court, First De- 
partment. 



21 

James W. Eaton, of Babylon, N. Y., to succeed John 
H. Vail, term expired. 

Mr. Eaton is a large property holder and actively 
interested in the development of the South Shore of 
Long Island. 

Edward Blum, of the Borough of Brooklyn, reap- 
pointed. 

Mr. Blum is a prominent business man and has 
served continuously in this office since its organization 
in 1908, performing very efficient service. 

These recommendations and these nominations 
speak for themselves; they are made in the interest 
of the common weal, and I indulge in the hope that 
the Legislature will consider them on their merits, ere 
the adjournment of this extraordinary session. 

Of course I am aware of the inconvenience imposed 
upon the members of both branches of the Legislature 
through the necessity of their attendance at this 
extraordinary session, and I appreciate that the con- 
sideration of certain charges in the Cohalan case may 
have prevented the consideration of some of these 
legislative matters. However, there is no reason now 
why all these matters should not be speedily considered 
and promptly disposed of — one way or the other. 

The Legislature must recognize that its continu- 
ance in session adds largely to the burdens of the tax- 
payers through necessary expense; and while it is 
proper that the pending matters should receive careful 
consideration, it is respectfully suggested, in the inter- 
est of economy, that they he disposed of at the earliest 
possible time, and (he Legislature then adjourn. 

It is useless to deny that at the present season o\' 
the year it is extremely difficult to secure the presence 
of n quorum to pass legislation, but I fee] confident 
that an announcement by the legislative leaders, 



strictly adhered to, that pending 'legislation must be 
promptly considered by the votes of all the members, 
will accomplish the desired result; and to thai pur 

pose, 1 respectfully urge again that the measures 
recommended by me receive immediate and favorable 
consideration. 

With the view of assisting the Bpeedy dispatch of 
pending legislative business, and of reducing to a 
minimum the necessary expense of this extraordinary 
session of the Legislature, I hereby announce, for the 
information of the members, and all others interested, 
that I shall recommend to this extraordinary session 
no further legislation. 

For the reasons herein stated, I now earnestly urge 
the prompt consideration, by this Legislature, of pend- 
ing measures; and l>y the Senate, the early action 
upon the appointments 1 have submitted, to the end 
that the general welfare be promoted; the convenience 
of the members conserved, and the expenses to the 
taxpayers of a protracted session reduced to the mini- 
mum. 

WM. SULZEE. 



23 



From The Evening Sun, New York, July 21, 1913. 



INSIDE STORY OF SULZER WAR WITH MUR- 
PHY TOLD AT LAST BY THE GOVERNOR 
HIMSELF — "BOSS" REGARDED HIM AS 
PROXY, BUT WAS SOON DISILLUSIONED — 
REALLY RULES NOW THROUGH LEGISLA- 
TURE. 

[From a Staff Correspondent of The Evening Sun.'] 

Albany, July 21. — William Sulzer has been Gov- 
ernor of New York for six months and twenty days, 
and they have been months and days of trial and 
trouble, not only for him, but for every enemy of good 
government. 

' ' I am the Governor, ' ' he said ; " the people elected 
me to execute the laws. I shall do it," and his square 
jaws snapped. 

Governor Sulzer is a revelation to old timers in 
Albany. There has never been a man here just like 
him. Much of what he said when he became Governor 
was not taken seriously, but the politicians have been 
connecting up his early remarks with his perform- 
ances, as he has thrown consternation into their ranks, 
and they now take him too seriously. 

In many respects William Sulzer is an enigma. The 
more you study him at close range the less apparently 
you ran define his thoughts, fathom his motives and 
comprehend the purport of his sayings. 

However, his most implacable enemy is forced to 
admit two things: First, that he is absolutely honest, 
and, second, that he is sincere. No matter what any- 
body thought at the beginning, no man doubts th< 
things now. 



24 



The critics now remember these words in Sulzer's 
inaugural address : 

'•The lioui - has siruck, and the task of admin- 
istrative reform is mine. The cause is the cause 
of the State and is worthy of the zealous efforts 
o!' any man. I grasp the opportunity the people 
new give me, and am resolved to shirk no respon- 
sibility; to work for the welfare of the people; to 
correcl every existing abuse; to abolish useless 
offices, and whenever possible consolidate bureaus 
and commissions to secure greater economy and 
more efficiency; to uproot official corruption and 
to raise higher the standard of official integrity; 
to simplify the methods of orderly administra- 
tion; to advance the prosperity of all the people; 
to be ever dissatisfied with conditions that can be 
improved; to promote the common weal; to guard 
the honor and protect the rights of the Empire 
State; and last, but not least, to reduce govern- 
mental expenditures to the minimum and thus 
lessen as much as possible the heavy burdens of 
taxation." 

When Sulzer became (iovernor he revolutionized the 
policies of the Executive Chamber. He declared that 
every action of the Governor would be open and above 
board; that all official papers in the Executive Cham- 
ber would be public, ft\\(\ that every man, woman and 
child in the State who wanted to see him could do so, 
at t he big desk, in 1 hr big room. 

Til!. \\ \\ OF SULZEB. 

Be said he would see the newspaper representatives 

twice a day, at II o'clock in the morning and at 4 
o'clock in the afternoon, and would talk to them 



25 



frankly regarding matters of public moment, and that 
7io politician of high or Low degree would be able to 
talk to him privately in his back room. 

These declarations were precedent breakers and the 
doubting Thomases, who for years have watched the 
human moves on the political checkerboard at the Cap- 
itol, simply snickered. 

But Sulzer began at once to do things. He wanted 
to know about everything. He began inquiries, he 
started investigations and he declared that his pur- 
pose was to put the State on an honest business basis 
by greater economies and more efficiencies that would 
save money for the taxpayers. 

Mr. Sulzer has worked eighteen hours out of the 
twenty-four. He comes to the office at 8 o'clock in the 
morning and seldom leaves it until 8 o'clock at night 
He has public officials on the jump and he works stenog- 
raphers nearly to death. The newspaper men at the 
beginning said he could keep it up about two weeks. A t 
the expiration of two weeks they said he would be in 
the hospital with nervous prostration in a month. Six 
months, however, have come and gone since then and 
Sulzer is keeping it up and apparently is now in better 
health and finer physical trim than he was at the begin- 
ning. 

He doesn't even go to the People's House for lunch. 
Every day at noon Mrs. Sulzer sends him over a sand- 
wich. He eats little, works hard and tells his friends 
that he sleeps well, and on the average he oannol gel 
more than five hours' sleep ouf of the twenty-four. 

Sulzer is a marvel. lie sees everybody who comes 

to see hiin. The Executive Chamber is free and open 
<<> all. On an average he meets more than two hun- 
dred people every day. Now he does \\ all is wonder- 



-li 



fill. Besides his mail is ten times larger than any 
previous Governor ever received, and he reads most oi 
the letters and answers most of them himself. 

( rOVERNOR's I [OPES. 

"Whatever i do as Governor," he Bays, "will 
always be open to all and above board. I confide in 
the people, and I hope when my official term comes 
to an end that I shall have accomplished something 
to merit their approval and to justify the confidence 
they have reposed in the rectitude of my intentions. 
My administration will in the last analysis l»e judged 
not by what I say, but what I do." 

After the Governor talked with the newspaper men 
this morning I sat with him for an hour at the big 
desk in the Executive Chamber. Dozens of people 
were around waiting for an opportunity to gel the 
Governor's ear. They were office seekers, State 
officials and friends from all parts of the State. Sulzer 
will see them all and hear them all before he goes into 
the back room at 2 o'clock to talk to his secretaries 
and go over the correspondence of the day with the 
stenographers. 

Notwithstanding all his trials and his troubles he 
appeared calm and imperturbable. lie looks you 
straight in the eye; talks very deliberately and im- 
presses you with his earnestness, lie has aged some 
since he became Governor. There are lines of care on 
his sad, boyish face; and now and then a nervous 
twitching around his close ^-i month and determined 
chin show the mental stress he is under and goes 
through day in ami day out. 

".Governor," said The Sun correspondent, "will 
yon take a vacation this summer? 



■27 



Rest? Not Stjlzer. 

" No," he said, " I never take a vacation. Hard 
work agrees with me. When I get tired of doing one 
thing I do another. That is my only recreation. 
When the extraordinary session of the Legislature 
adjourns, and of course it will not adjourn until Mr. 
Murphy tells it to adjourn, I shall go around the State 
a bit to look into certain institutions and familiarize 
myself by ocular demonstration with their condition 
and management. That will be interesting and in- 
structive to me and I shall be better prepared to look 
after them next year. I have many invitations to 
deliver addresses, but have accepted very few. 

" My duty is to stay here and earn the wages the 
people pay me, by a conscientious performance of the 
duties that come before me every day. I have only 
been away from Albany a few days since I became 
Governor — to attend the President's inauguration; 
to speak at Gettysburg, and to talk to the people a bit 
about direct primaries. 

' ' When I became Governor I made up my mind that 
I would be the Governor in fact as well as in name. 
Many doubted that, you know, the first part of Jan- 
uary, but nobody doubts it now. 

"As the Governor," he continued, " I determined 
that no influence should control me in the performance 
of my duty but the dictates of my conscience and my 
obligations to the people. I have adhered tenaciously 
to that thus far and I shall stick to it until the end, 
came what may. 

" Ever since I have been Governor obstacles have 
been placed in my way by men high in the councils o\' 
my party because I wanted to do what I believed was 
righl and what 1 promised to do when I was a candi- 
date for Governor." 



2$ 



'• Do you expect the Senate to confirm your recent 
appointments? " the Governor was asked. 

'• STes," be promptly answered. 

" Mr. Lynch, for Labor Commissioner; Mr. Chase 
and Mr. Leffingwell, for Public Service Commissioners, 
should be confirmed and they will be unless Mr. Mur- 
phy tells the Senate to the contrary." 

"Not Murphy's Appointments." 
" 'I'hesc are --ood appointments," went on the G-ov- 
ernor, " of honest men, peculiarly qualified for the 
performance of the duties required. These nomina- 
tions should bo confirmed on their merits. However, 
what is the ust' of discussing that, when you know that 
Mr. Murphy is the Legislature, and it does just what 

he tells it to. 

' k The people know those nominations are not Mr. 
Murphy's. They are mine. 1 selected them, and 1 
did so very carefully. They were highly recommended, 
and no one can question the capabilities of the candi 
dates. If they are not confirmed it will not he my 
fault, hut because they are not Mr. Murphy's nomina- 
tions. You know Mr. Murphy wanted me to appoint 
" The " McManus for Labor Commissioner, and 
i4 Packey " McCabe and George Palmer for Public 
Service Commissioners. I refused. My appointments, 
I believe, are better. At all events I know they are 
mine and made in the interest of the general welfare. 

" Let me tell you this," said the Governor, " I would 
have uo trouble with the members of the Legislature 
if il were not for outside influences and the dictations 
of Mr. Murphy. The members of the Legislature and 
1 worked together very well at the beginning, and we 
wrote on the .statute hooks some very good constructive 
laws. If Mr. Murphy had not interfered we would 



29 



have carried out every promise we made to the people 
in the last campaign." 

" How did the trouble begin with Mr. Murphy? " 
the Governor was asked. 

" Murphy Thought He Was Governor." 
" That is a long story," he replied. " Some day I 
will tell it, but at present I am too busy to go into the 
details. Suffice it to say that my trouble with Mr. 
Murphy began soon after I took my oath of office. 
Mr. Murphy had the notion that he was the Governor 
and that the people had elected me to be a proxy. I 
promptly disabused the mind of Mr. Murphy about 
it. He got mad. I told him that no boss could make 
me a rubber stamp; that the people elected me the 
Governor; and that while I was in office I would be 
the Governor. 

" Then more trouble arose over appointments. Mr. 
Murphy wanted me to name the men he selected as 
candidates for public office, in order to strengthen his 
machine, reward his friends and persecute his enemies. 
I refused to allow him to do it. All factions of the 
Democratic party supported me for Governor, and I 
wanted to be fair to everybody and treat all Demo- 
crats, in every county, squarely. It goes without say- 
ing that this was just what Mr. Murphy did not want. 
" Mr. Murphy and I could not agree about appoint- 
ments; we could not agree about policies ; and we were 
as far apart as the poles concerning public duties. 
Trouble began from the beginning. It grew every day. 
It reached the climax when 1 emphatically refused to 
appoint Jim Gaffney Commissioner of Highways. 

" Gaffney ob War." 

"Then the ultimatum was issued by the boss- 

1 Gaffney or war.' 1 accepted the challenge. The 

battle has been raffing ever since. Many other things 



30 



have added fuel to the flames. The war has been going 
on since the middle of April. I shall not surrender. 
There will be no compromise so far as I am concerned. 
Mr. Murphy can't be the Governor during my term." 

" Why did Mr. Murphy order the Senate to reject 
John Mitchell for Labor Commissioner? " the Gover- 
nor was asked. 

" That is a matter I never could find out," he 
replied. " I was responsible for Mr. Mitchell's nomi- 
nation. I sent for him and urged him to accept the 
office, because I knew he was one of the best qualified 
men on earth to do the work of this great department. 
You remember I said when I made the appointment 
that John Mitchell as Labor Commissioner would be 
a valuable asset to the State of New York. Murphy 
ordered his defeat for reasons which he has never 
explained. They tell me the National Association of 
Manufacturers has something to do with it. Sooner 
or later the truth will come out. The best we could do 
was to get 19 votes in the Senate for the confirmation 
of Mr. Mitchell. We needed 26. 

Turning to Lynch. 
" When I found out," said the Governor, " that it 
was an impossibility to get Mr. Mitchell confirmed I 
looked around for another candidate, and finally on 
the advice of friends of both capital and labor I 
selected James M. Lynch, the president of the Interna- 
tional Typographical Union. He is indorsed by the 
Democratic committee of Onondaga county, by labor 
organizations generally and by many distinguished 
citizens of our State. Mr. Lynch is a man of ability. 
His honesty has never been questioned. He is an 
organizer and understands the duties of the office for 
which I have selected him. If he is confirmed by the 
Senate — and he certainly ought to be — there is no 



31 



doubt that lie will make a great Commissioner and 
carry out the purposes of the reorganized Labor De- 
partment. 

'' Of course you know the Democrats in the last 
State convention wrote a plank in their platform that 
if the party were successful it would put a practical 
railroad man on the Public Service Commission. I 
want to make that pledge good. Mr. Chase was recom- 
mended to me for this position by the State Federation 
of Labor and by the railway organizations as a man 
essentially fitted by ability and experience for the 
place. Nothing can be said against the capacity or 
the character of Mr. Chase. If the Democrats in the 
Senate are sincere regarding platform promises and 
Mr. Murphy does not order them to reject the nomina- 
tion, it follows Mr. Chase will be confirmed. 

" Mr. Leffingwell is one of the best known men along 
our southern tier. He stands high in the estimation of 
his fellow citizens and was recommended for Public 
Service Commissioner by the leading Democrats of 
the southern counties in our State. Nothing can be 
said against his Democracy or his character or his 
ability. 

Again Murphy's Hand in It. 
" If these nominations are rejected it is simply 
because Mr. Murphy did not name them, and hence 
will not have them. That has been the trouble from the 
beginning. When Mr. Murphy cannot have his own 
way he sulks and orders the Legislature and other 
State departments, which he controls, to block my 
efforts to do what I believe to be right and for the 
best interests of the people generally. As a matter of 
fact, I cannot submit to Mr. Murphy's dictation and 
maintain my self-respect. If he is to be the Governor 
I do not want t he jolt. 



61 



" During the last campaign they tell me I spoke to 
more people than any other candidate for office in all 
the history of the State. I told the people simple 
truths from the bottom of my heart. Many doubted 
the sincerity of my speeches in the last campaign, but 
there was one man who never doubted the sincerity of 
those speeches, and that was the man who is now the 
Governor of the State. 

11 It is all very simple to me because I am a simple 
man. I am just the same to-day as I was in the Legis- 
lature a quarter of century ago. I am just the same 
to-day as I was in Congress. I haven't changed. I 
don't intend to change. Others have changed, and if 
the fight is on it is their fault and not mine. 

Has Burned Last Bridge. 

" My fight for direct primaries burned the last 
bridge between me and Tammany Hall. Mr. Murphy 
thought I made this fight for direct nominations be- 
cause I wanted to dislodge his leadership. He is wrong 
about that. I made the fight because the Democratic 
party had made the pledge to enact a State-wide direct 
primary law. That's all. 

11 The Democratic party promised the people in the 
last campaign that if it were successful it would give 
them — among other things — a State-wide direct pri- 
mary law. 

" I ran for the Governorship on the platform of the 
Syracuse convention, and after I was nominated I 
stood on it throughout the campaign — squarely and 
honestly. 

"At the request of my party I made a campaign 
through the State. I told the people that if I were 
elected I would do everything in my power to carry out 
the pledges of my party as enunciated in the Syracuse 
platform. 



33 



" When I cannot be honest in politics I shall get ont 
of politics. I believe honesty in politics will succeed 
just the same as I believe honesty in business will 
succeed. If any one doubts that all he has to do is to 
think of what has been accomplished in this country 
during the past quarter of a century by the men who 
have dared to be true in politics. 

" When I make a promise to the people I keep it 
or I frankly tell the people why I cannot keep it. 
When my party makes a promise to the people I want 
my party to keep the promise or I want the people to 
know the reason why." 



From The Evening Mail, New York, July 24, 1913. 



MURPHY AND BARNES IN SULZER WAR 
STRANGLE GOVERNMENT OP STATE — 
LEGISLATURE, COSTING PEOPLE $1,000 A 
DAY, WILL NEITHER ENACT LEGISLATION 
DEMANDED BY PEOPLE THROUGH GOV- 
ERNOR, NOR ADJOURN TO AFFORD HIM 
OPPORTUNITY TO APPOINT MEN WHO 
WILL CARRY ON BUSINESS OF THE STATE 
— THOUSANDS SEND SULZER MESSAGES 
URGING HIM TO FIGHT TO THE END. 
By James Creelman. 
(By telegraph to The Evening Mail.) 
Albany, July 24.— It is time that the people should 
realize the open shame of the situation in which the 
government of New York State lias actually broken 
down in the brutal attempt of Boss Murphy, with the 
assistance el' Doss Barnes, to punish and wreck Gov- 
ernor Sulzer for daring to show independence o\' his 
orders. 



34 



The spectacle in Albany to-day is not only disgrace- 
ful, but extremely costly to the taxpayers, who are 
paying $1,000 a day for the extra expense of a legis- 
lature that stays in mock session without acting, simply 
to prevent the Governor from removing and appoint- 
ing officials and to intimidate him by threats of im- 
peachment. 

The two bosses have strangled the government of 
9,000,000 inhabitants of an area of more than 49,000 
square miles, and they propose to keep it strangled by 
continuing the farce of a legislative session at an extra 
cost of $1,000 a day until the end of the year if 
necessary. 

It is an almost unbelievable sight in the capital of 
the greatest and richest State in the Union. 

Down in the vast Executive Chamber sits Governor 
Sulzer, with the portraits of Tilden, Cleveland, Roose- 
velt and Hughes staring at him from the mahogany 
paneled walls. 

It is a place of magnificent stateliness, an audience- 
room fit for an emperor. 

Ukge " No Surrender! " 

A steady procession of visitors moves past the Gov- 
ernor's desk with earnest and sometimes passionate 
messages from all over the State, urging him not to 
surrender to the bosses and to keep up the people's 
fight for State-wide direct primaries. 

Troops of summer tourists, farmers, school girls and 
what not, pass murmuringly over the quarter-acre of 
crimson carpet, look at the pictured walls, the re- 
splendent and mighty fire-place and the high, raftered 
ceiling — watching with awkward, sidewise glances 
the throngs about the tall, shanky, restless Governor 
against whom the malevolent and secret power of cor- 
rupt ring politics is concentrated. 



35 

Up-stairs the royally gorgeous halls of the Senate 
and Assembly are empty and the dim light shines on 
marbles, gildings and carvings without disclosing a 
human form. 

Yet the Legislature is in extraordinary session and 
the taxpayers are paying $1,000 a day to its employees. 
Three or four members of each house are in Albany, 
only to meet and take a recess every two or three days. 

Really No Legislatuke. 

The Legislature has refused to pass the direct pri- 
mary law it was called together to enact. It has re- 
fused to pay any attention to the Governor's recom- 
mendations. It refuses to adjourn, because that 
would allow the Governor to make ad interim appoint- 
ments and go on with the work of government, which 
to-day is paralyzed. 

As a matter of fact, there is no Legislature. The 
men who are paid to make the laws for New York 
merely carry out the orders of the Tammany and 
Republican bosses. 

Boss Murphy is playing golf on Long Island. He 
issues his daily commands to Albany over the long- 
distance telephone. They are obeyed to the letter. 

Twice a week Boss Barnes goes to the room of Sen- 
ator Brown, the Republican " leader," and makes 
known his will. 

Bosses Act Together. 

The two bosses act together against Governor Sulzer 
without any pretense of partisan division. 

Not only does the Legislature ignore the Governor 
and defeat the work of government by refusing to ad- 
journ, but it cut out of the general supply bill the 
$30,000 that has always been given to the Executive 



36 



for investigations, and refuses to let him have a dollar 
to enable him to search out and punish grafters in 
the Highway Department, Conservation Department, 
Prison Department and other places where ringsters 
have been getting fat. 

The extraordinary thing about this is that it has 
been customary to vote these executive investigating 
funds, even to Governors of hostile political faiths. 

Governor Sulzer has been left without a dollar to 
employ investigators and go on with the work of rid- 
ding the departments of grafters and incompetents. 

Nothing like it has been seen in New York before. 

Tammany Leaders Boasting. 

The Tammany leaders openly boast that they have 
deprived the Governor of everything except the power 
to employ stenographers. 

They have refused to confirm the important appoint- 
ments he has made, and they insist on keeping up the 
sham legislative session — at $1,000 a day extra — so 
that he cannot fill the offices between sessions. 

This is the degraded and disastrous effect of a boss- 
dominated Legislature upon the public business of the 
State to-day. 

And all because Governor Sulzer would not put Boss 
Murphy's henchman Gaffney in control of the $66,000,- 
000 which is being spent on public roads, and insisted 
on pressing for an honest direct primary law against 
the will of the Murphy-Barnes conspiracy to perpetu- 
ate boss rule in politics and government. 

Boss Murphy controls the Attorney-General and the 
State Comptroller. 

Because the Governor removed Superintendent of 
Prisons Scott and appointed Superintendent Eiley in 
his place Murphy's Comptroller' has refused to pay 



61 



the employees of the State's prisons and reforma- 
tories, and Murphy's Attorney-Genera] lias been asked 
for a Legal opinion which, if it is adverse, will compel 
the Governor to resort to the courts in order to carry 
on the prison and reformatory work. 

Because the Governor refused to appoint Murphy's 
man Commissioner of Labor, Murphy's Legislature 
refused to confirm the Governor's appointment, and 
to-day the Labor Department, charged with the en- 
forcement of the factory laws, is directed by a second 
deputy without power to make appointments or take 
any important executive action. 

Because Mr. Carlisle, the Commissioner of High- 
ways, would not make Murphy appointments, Mur- 
phy's Comptroller refuses to pay the salaries of many 
of Mr. Carlisle's most important deputies, and he is 
seriously crippled in the vast new highways work 
which is costing $66,000,000. 

Murphy's Thebat. 

It was on April 13 that Governor Sulzer saiv Boss 
Murphy for the last time and left with the threat ring- 
ing in his ears, " I'll have you out of office in six 
months." 

Since then the ring has tried to blackmail him into 
obedience; has trailed him night and day with hired 
spies; has sent private detectives to search his record 
in Washington, in Albany, in New York city, in Alaska 
and in his boyhood home in New Jersey. 

But the thing that should arouse (he people to a 
realizing sense of danger is thai in their fierce desire 
Tor vengeance the bosses have actually deprived the 
Governor of even a dollar with which Id investigate 
wrong-doing in the great Stale departments and have 
deliberately broken down the administration of the 
government. 



38 



Not One Voice of Pkotest. 

And in the presence of this appalling work of corrupt 
machine politicians not one responsible Republican 
voice has been raised in public protest. 

Yet, although the State government has been broken 
down, and the mock Legislature laughs at the wreck 
of things and the temporary helplessness of the Gov- 
ernor to get at the grafters, thousands upon thousands 
of letters pour into the Executive Chamber — mes- 
sages of comfort and encouragement from citizens in 
every city, town and village of New York, bidding the 
Governor to stand his ground and wait for the ap- 
proaching day when the people will take the Legisla- 
ture into their own hands. 



From The Evening Mail. New York, July 25, 1913. 



"IT'S ORDERS," SULZER IS TOLD ON AP- 
PEALING TO TAMMANY LEADERS — GOV- 
ERNOR SAYS HIS FREQUENT REQUESTS 
THAT LEGISLATURE LET WHEELS OF 
GOVERNMENT MOVE AGAIN BRING ONLY 
THE SAME ANSWER — MURPHY, TELE- 
PHONING FROM GOOD GROUND GOLF LINKS 
TWICE DAILY AND NOT RESPONSIBLE TO 
PEOPLE, MAKES STATE POWERLESS — 
SULZER DECLARES HE WILL APPEAL TO 
PEOPLE ONCE MORE FOR REMEDY. 

By James Creelman. 

(By telegraph to The Evening Mail.) 

Albany, July 25. — With the State government 
broken down by the refusal of Boss Murphy's Legis- 



39 



lature to confirm Governor Sulzer 's appointments or 
to adjourn so that he can make recess appointments, 
and with Murphy's State Comptroller holding up the 
pay-rolls of the Prison Department and preventing 
the letting of millions of dollars' worth of new high- 
way contracts — to say nothing of the fact that the 
Labor Department, which guards the safety of the 
factory workers, is without a head — I asked Gov- 
ernor Sulzer to-day whether he had ever appealed to 
the Tamman}^ leaders in the Legislature to relieve the 
people from the peril of a paralyzed State adminis- 
tration. 

" I have appealed to them again and again," he 
said. 

"And what do they say? " 

" ' Orders ' is their only explanation." 

Mr. Sulzer clasped his hands under his coat tail and 
threw his head back as he paced the room. The lines 
in his lean face hardened and his gray eyes grew cold. 
For all his nervous energy, he looked tired and worn. 

Murphy 'Phones Oedees Twice Daily. 

" That is all the answer I can get from the lead- 
ers in the legislature — ' orders. ' 

" What does that mean? " 

" It means Mr. Murphy. The truth is that there 
is no real legislature in this state just now — there 
is only Mr. Murphy, who sends his orders here 
twice a day over the long-distance telephone. 

" But have you explained to the leaders the fact 
that the executive government is paralyzed and 
that the public interests are being sacrificed? 

" I have. But I get only one reply — ' orders.' " 



40 



Not a Dollar foe Inquiry. 

It seems hard to believe that a single political boss, 
idling on the Long Island golf links, is able to control 
the Legislature and render the Governor of a great 
State powerless to carry on the administrative govern- 
ment. 

Yet there is the testimony of the Governor himself. 

And what crimes of grafting and extravagance may 
be going unpunished in the great State departments 
while the Murphy Legislature denies the Governor 
even a dollar to make investigations no man can say. 

As Mr. Sulzer revealed the astounding conditions to 
which the war of bosses for control have reduced the 
government of the State, the tables and chairs about 
him, and the floor itself, were piled with an indescrib- 
able ruck of letters from all parts of the State urging 
him not to allow himself to be starved into surrender. 

Will Appeal to People. 

" But, Mr. Sulzer, things cannot go on long in 
this way. What are you going to do? " 

' ' I am going to go to the people again and tell 
them what has happened. The voters of the state 
will find a remedy. I cannot and will not allow 
any political boss to be the real governor, no mat- 
ter what happens, and I believe that the people will 
support me." 

As the regularly elected Governor of the State, Mr. 
Sulzer is responsible for the Department of Public 
Works, which is spending $100,000,000 on the barge 
canal work; the Conservation Department, which 
spends about $3,500,000 a year and has vast powers in 
the condemnation of lands; the Excise Department, 
which handles something like $20,000,000 a year; the 



41 



Board of Charities, the Board of Elections, the Agri- 
cultural Department. 

Tragedy Growing Blacker. 

These are in the hands of Tammany men. The Gov- 
ernor is without money to investigate them. If he re- 
moves the heads, the Legislature will refuse to allow 
him to provide successors and Murphy's Comptroller 
will decline to recognize vouchers or pay bills. 

Murphy's Attorney-General and his deputies are bit- 
terly hostile, and the Governor is unable to hire a 
lawyer to advise him. 

The tragedy grows blacker every day and the Gov- 
ernor is fighting desperately to carry on the govern- 
ment, while Boss Murphy laughs on the Long Island 
golf links. 

Millions Being Wasted. 

The refusal of the State Comptroller and the Legis- 
lature to allow the Department of Highways to make 
emergency repairs, without the slow process of adver- 
tising for bids and printing contracts, means that per- 
haps $8,000,000 damage will be done to roads that 
might have been saved by immediate action. 

Nor will the Comptroller recognize a single voucher 
signed by the wardens of the Sing Sing and Clinton 
prisons, declining to pay even for the transportation 
of prisoners, so that yesterday the New York Central 
Railroad Company agreed to carry Sing Sing prison- 
ers on the Governor's personal assurance that sonic- 
how the bills would be paid. 

So desperate is the situation thai the Legislature it- 
self is actually borrowing funds from the banks ami de- 
fiantly spending money denied by the Governor's veto. 



42 



Advised to Remove Hostiles. 

In this extraordinary crisis the Governor has been 
advised to remove the hostile Tammany heads of de- 
partments at once, and, if the Miirphy-Barnes Legis- 
lature refuses to confirm their successors or remains 
in session in order to prevent him from filling the va- 
cancies, assign deputies to direct the work, sign the 
vouchers himself, and through the courts compel the 
Comptroller to pay the bills. 

As matters stand the Governor of the great State of 
New York, which spends $56,000,000 a year, is helpless 
to go into any of the State departments controlled by 
Tammany and find out what is going on. Yet only nine 
months ago he was overwhelmingly elected to direct the 
government as the responsible representive of nine 
million persons. 

Even the Bureau of Efficiency, created by Governor 
Sulzer's request, is under Tammany influence and can- 
not be depended upon to make investigations. 

All this is a tremendous joke to Boss Murphy on the 
golf links. He does not even have to visit Albany to 
strike down the State government. It is all done by 
long distance telephone. The boss grows rosier and 
happier while the hardworking, harassed Governor 
grows thinner and paler. 

Nothing Like It Since Tweed Days. 

It is the most daring and defiant exhibition of boss 
power and ruthless disregard of public opinion that 
has been seen since the days of Tweed. 

The flat refusal of the sham Legislature to act or to 
adjourn, and the repeated statements of the leaders to 
the Governor that they are acting under " orders " — 
remember the word — literally means that in a certain 
sense there is no responsible government in the State, 



43 

and heaven only knows what official villianies are being 
hidden from the public and the grand juries. 

Ghastly Joke on People. 

It is a political joke to Boss Murphy, perhaps; but it 
is a ghastly joke on the taxpayers of New York, the ul- 
timate possibilities of which are suggested by the hor- 
rible Binghamton fire tragedy, while the Labor Depart- 
ment, charged with the protection of factory workers, 
is left headless and without the new force of inspectors 
provided by law, because the Governor would not let 
Murphy name the Labor Commissioner. 

It may be that no future Democratic Governor of 
New York will ever forget the punishment inflicted on 
Governor Sulzer for daring to be independent of " or- 
ders," and then it may be that Boss Murphy and all 
the bosses — Barnes included — who have supported 
him in his savage fight against the people's direct pri- 
mary bill, will have cause to remember the irresistible 
power of an aroused public opinion. 

There will be a new Assembly elected this year. 
With the lower branch of the Legislature in the hands 
of men independent of the Murphy-Barnes combination 
the doors will be opened for the grand juries, the State 
administration can be put on an honest and economical 
basis and the way prepared for a State-wide direct 
primary law that will sweep away boss domination in 
politics and government and make impossible a repeti- 
tion of the shameful and disastrous spectacle which 
Albany presents to-day. 

Direct Primaries the Remedy. 

It is no longer a question of Mr. Sulzer's political 
fortunes. The situation has got far beyond that. Mr, 
Sulzer is simply an incident. 



44 

The real issue is whether a political boss can control 
the Legislature and absolutely destroy the administra- 
tive power of the State government by " orders " over 
a long distance telephone. 

Go to the Governor as he sits working amid the in- 
creasing litter of messages rained in on him by the peo- 
ple, and he will tell you that the members of the Legis- 
lature are not personally bad — that they worked well 
with him until he angered Murphy — but that they are 
the helpless instrumentalities of the boss system in pol- 
itics, and that until that is smashed once and for all by 
a real direct primary law, decent and independent gov- 
ernment in New York is almost impossible. 



SPEECH OF GOVERNOR SULZER IN THE 
OPERA HOUSE, CORNING, NEW YORK, 

NOON, MAY 20, 1913. 

( Stenographically Reported. ) 
[This speech has never been printed before.] 

Governor Sulzer said: 

My friends, it is a great pleasure for me to greet 
you and to tell you that the beautiful city of Corning 
has an affectionate place In my heart, (Applause.) 

I see here this morning many old friends, some of 
them the friends of nearly a lifetime — true friends 
who have stood by me in the past — real men, whose 
hearts are sincere and whose heads are steady. 

Here on this platform I see my colleague in the 
Legislature of the long ago, that brave soldier and 
that splendid statesman, Dr. Bush. He is with us in 
our fight for direct primaries. (Applause.) 

Here also sits the Mayor of Elmira, our good friend, 
the Hon. Daniel Sheehan. (Applause.) Next to him 



45 

sits former Congressman Havens of Kochester (ap- 
plause) and former Congressman John DeWitt 
Warner of New York city — two of the very best citi- 
zens in our State. (Applause.) 

And here sits your State committeeman — brother 
Schwa rzenbach. (Applause.) Then you all know 
your Congressman, my friend, Mr. Underbill (ap- 
plause), a good editor, a high type of our national 
legislator, and an honest citizen. (Applause.) 

I see here, too, many of your distinguished fellow 
townsmen, whose names I would like to mention and to 
whom I would like to pay a deserved tribute, but I 
haven't the time. 

However, I observe a distinguished gentleman 
whom I see standing in the side aisle, one of the great 
men of the Empire State, the favorite son of old Steu- 
ben county, that grand old jurist, Judge Bradley. 
(Loud applause.) 

These good men are all with us in our efforts to 
keep the party faith and to write on our statute books 
an honest direct primary law. 

My friends, when I became Governor I made up my 
mind that I would be the Governor in fact as well as in 
name. Many doubted, that the first part of January, 
but nobody doubts it now. (Laughter and applause.) 

When I became Governor I determined that no influ- 
ence should control me in tho performance of my duty 
but the dictates of my conscience and my obligations 
to the people. I have adhered tenaciously to thai 
thus far, and I shall stick to it until the end, come what 
may. (Applause.) 

Ever since I have been Governor obstacles have been 
placed in my way by men high in the councils of my 
party, because I wanted to do what I believed was 
li'-Hit and what 1 promised to do when 1 was a can- 
didate for Governor. 



46 

The Democratic platform of 1910 declared for 
" State-wide " direct primaries, but those who drew 
the platform of 1912, realizing that the expectations of 
the rank and file of party voters were not met by the 
legislation of 1911, pledged the party to "adopt sueii 
amendments to the existing law as will perfect the 
direct primary system." 

The electors of the State understood the words 
" State-wide direct primaries " to mean direct pri- 
maries applied to all State nominations. Democratic 
campaign speeches and the newspapers which sup- 
ported our ticket so interpreted these words. 

In my first message to the Legislature I said : 

" We are pledged to direct primaries, State- 
wide in their scope and character, and I urge the 
adoption of such amendments to our primary laws 
as will perfect the direct primary system of the 
State." 

The people expected nothing less from us when we 
declared for State-wide direct primaries than the 
nomination by the voters of all State officers, because 
it has been demonstrated that under the convention 
system the will of the people was not faithfully car- 
ried out in the State conventions. 

Delegates to the State convention, when assembled 
for action, have been found not properly responsive 
to the sentiment of their constituents. They have 
been found more anxious to carry out the wishes of 
party leaders than to carry out the wishes of the mass 
of individual party voters. Controlling political 
power has not passed from the individual unit, in 
which it should originate, up to the State convention. 
On the contrary, controlling political power has orig- 
inated with certain political bosses who have usurped 



47 



the rights of party voters and brought about nomina- 
tions which were desired by the bosses, but not de- 
manded by the voters. (Applause.) 

The sentiment in the State in favor of direct pri- 
maries found its origin and growth principally in the 
fact that under the established primary law the rank 
and file of party voters were not able to control their 
delegates when they assembled in the State con- 
ventions. 

I am now, always have been, and always will be in 
favor of carrying out, in letter and in spirit, our plat- 
form pledges. (Applause.) 

The best way to strengthen a political party is to 
keep the faith. I want to restore to the people of the 
State the complete control of their State government; 
to afford the voters of the State the freest expression 
of their choice of candidates for public offices, and I 
believe that our " State-wide " direct primary bill 
embraces an honest, a sincere, a comprehensive and a 
practical plan for these accomplishments. 

Besides, I consider that our " State-wide " direct 
primary bill is an absolutely nonpartisan measure 
which faithfully reproduces and will substantially 
carry into practice the pledges of the three great 
political parties concerned in the last State election. 

There are only two kinds of primaries — direct and 
indirect. The latter constitutes the reactionary dele- 
gate system; the former constitutes the present pro- 
gressive system. I am for the direct system. I want 
the people to nominate because I want the people to 
rule. The power to nominate is the power to control. 
Do not forget that. (Applause.) 

To have direct primaries and to have State con- 
ventions is impossibe. Direct primaries have been 
devised by the friends of good government to permit 



the people to nominate their officials directly without 
the intermediary of delegates, and as, of course, you 
cannot have State conventions without delegates, it 
follows that State conventions must go and honest 
direct primaries must come. There is no middle 
ground. There can be no compromise. Those who 
want to compromise are against us. You cannot com- 
promise a principle. (Applause.) 

It is self-evident to me that if the people are compe- 
tent to directly elect their public officials they are just 
as competent to directly nominate these officials. 

The bosses say they will beat me. I have heard that 
before. The bosses could not beat me years ago when 
I was an Assemblyman for five years in this State. 
(Applause.) They could not prevent me going to 
Congress, and I stayed there in spite of them for 
eighteen years. (Applause.) 

They say they will destroy me, but I tell them no man 
can destroy me but William Sulzer. (Applause.) I 
care very little about the political future and less 
about personal consequences. I shall go on doing my 
duty to the people as God gives me the light to see the 
right. (Applause.) 

During the last campaign they tell me I spoke to 
more people than any other candidate for office in all 
the history of the State. I told the people simple 
truths from the bottom of my heart. Many doubted 
the sincerity of my speeches in the last campaign, but 
there was one man who never doubted the sincerity of 
those speeches, and that was the man who is now the 
Governor of the State. (Applause.) 

It is all very simple to me, because I am a simple 
man. I am just the same to-day, as Dr. Bush can tell 
you, as I was in the Legislature a quarter of a cen- 
tury ago. I am just the same to-day, as Congress- 



49 



man Underbill can tell you, as I was in Congress. I 
haven't changed. I don't intend to change. Others 
have changed, and if the fight is on, it is their fault, not 
mine. (Applause.) 

All I want to be is honest. (A voice: " You're 
right.) All I want to do is keep the faith; all I desire 
is to tell the truth. I want to make good. (Applause.) 
When I am dead and buried the only monument I want 
is to have the people say in their hearts — "Well 
done, Bill." (Great applause.) 

I am not working for the bosses. I am working for 
the people. (Applause.) I want to do something for 
my fellowman. I know, in the last analysis, that when 
the future historian pens the record of my adminis- 
tration I will be judged by what I have accomplished. 
(Applause.) 

I am trying to do things. Do things for myself. No ! 
not at all ; but to do things for all the people. Do you 
think it is easy? If you only knew how I am threat- 
ened; if you only knew the obstacles that are put in 
my way; if you only knew how discouraging it is at 
times, you would sympathize with me in the struggle, 
and every one of you would be with me in the fight for 
the right. (Applause.) 

(A voice: " You have a crowd in this part of the 
State that will back you up.") 

Thank you for that. What that man says I hope is 
true. At this time I want to congratulate you for 
sending to the Legislature Senator Seeley, and As- 
semblyman Brewster, and Assemblyman Seely. (Ap- 
plause.) They voted for direct primaries. They are 
good men. They are honest representatives. They 
have served the people faithfully. They are entitled 



50 



to praise and commendation. They stood t>y you at 
Albany. (Applause.) They stood by you when every 
effort was made to get them to vote against your in 
terests. All honor to these representatives. Their 
votes for direct primaries were right, and they will 
never have cause to regret it. 

My friends, what is the issue? It is very simple. It 
is the people against the bosses. (Applause.) A child 
can understand it. You know there are two kinds of 
taxes ■ — direct and indirect. So I tell you there are 
two kinds of primaries — direct and indirect. Direct 
primaries are the kind the people want. Indirect pri- 
maries are the kind the bosses want. If you are for the 
people you are for direct primaries. If you are for the 
bosses then you are for indirect primaries. 

The friends of direct nominations are fighting for a 
principle. A principle is fundamental. You cannot 
compromise it. (Applause.) It is ridiculous to try, 
although a few prominent Democrats in the State are 
trying to do it. If you are for direct primaries you 
are in favor of the voters nominating all candidates for 
public office. (Applause.) 

(A voice : That's right.) 

In the beginning of our history there were men who 
said that the people could not be trusted; that it was 
better to have a King, or a Queen, around than to let 
the people govern themselves; but Washington, and 
Franklin, and Jefferson, did not think that way. The 
men in those days who said the people could not be 
trusted were called Tories. We have Tories now, just 
as the patriotic fathers had them, only the Tories of 
to-day are called Political Bosses. (Applause.) 



51 

The political bosses tell us that we may have sense 
enough to nominate a constable, but not brains enough 
to nominate a Governor. They are willing to let us 
nominate a justice of the peace, but we must not think 
of nominating a judge of the Supreme Court. 
(Laughter.) 

The truth is, I trust the people, and the people trust 
me. We understand each other, and know how to get 
along together. That is the reason, I believe, why it is 
that during all the years, just half of my natural life, 
I have never been beaten for public office, although I 
have always had to run in a Republican district. (Ap- 
plause.) 

It is my experience that the man who trusts the peo- 
ple never trusts them in vain. I know in trusting them 
now I shall not be disappointed. (Applause.) There 
has never been a time in the history of this State when 
a public man trusted the people that the people did not 
trust that public man. There has never been a time in 
all our history when the people, deprived of political 
power at the formation of the government were given 
an opportunity to get that political power in their own 
hands that they did not take it. 

If anybody doubts that let him read the story of the 
adoption of the amendments to the Federal Constitu- 
tion. All of these amendments have been written in 
the Constitution by the rank and file, against the pro- 
test of men who said the people could not be trusted. 

( )ur fight for direct primaries is the old question over 
again. The few want to govern, because they do not 
trust the people. I am on the side of the people. I 
declare the people are competent to govern themselves, 
and I am willing to trust them with our government. 



52 



If the people want to control their government they 
must nominate the candidates for public office. They 
cannot control unless they nominate. The power to 
nominate is the power to control. (Applause.) 

Why is it that two men in our State, to-day, control 
the Legislature! Because these two men control 
the nominations of the members of the Legislature. 
Unless the legislators do what these two men tell them 
to do they cannot be renominated. Take away the 
power to nominate, and you take away the power of the 
boss. (Applause.) 

That is the reason why every boss is against our bill 
for direct primaries. Can you blame the bosses 1 Well, 
hardly. But when we want to give the people the 
power to be their own bosses can anyone doubt that the 
people will not gladly take this power to nominate. 
(Applause.) 

De Tocqueville — in the greatest story that has ever 
been written about the free institutions of America — 
says that this Republic will never perish because it 
possesses the power to legislate, and to adjudicate, and 
to execute. Our government is. indestructible, as was 
demonstrated during the Civil War, because it has this 
power to execute. (Applause.) 

As the Governor of the State I realize every day, 
more and more, the tremendous agency of this power 
to execute. What do the bosses, and the special in- 
terests, care about the laws if they can control the men 
who executed the laws ? Nothing. Why are they fight- 
ing me so bitterly? You know. Because they cannot 
control the man who is executing the laws of the State 
of New York. (Applause.) 

We want to make the people free to control their 
own government by giving them the power to nominate 



53 



their own public officials. Wo assert, and defy suc- 
cessful contradiction, that if the voters are capable of 
nominating an alderman they are just as capable of 
nominating a United States Senator. Any assertion to 
the contrary is an indictment against our intelligence, 
and a protest against our advancing civilization. (Ap- 
plause.) Out upon such a proposition. (Applause.) 
Notwithstanding the fact that I have always been in 
favor of the people nominating all candidates for pub- 
lic office, I went into this struggle for direct nomina- 
tions slowly and cautiously. All winter I appealed to 
the members of the Legislature to carry out the prom- 
ises of the Syracuse platform. I wanted them to keep 
faith with the voters. I wanted them to help me write 
on the statute books what the Democratic party prom- 
ised — a direct primary law — State-wide in its scope. 
(Applause.) They refused to do it. Then I sent a 
special message to the Legislature telling the members 
exactly what we ought to do about it. They answered 
that special message by sending me the abortive Blau- 
velt bill to make matters worse instead of better. I 
vetoed it in language that could not be misunderstood. 
(Applause.) We then sent them our bill. They beat 
it. How did they beat it : ; I will tell you how they beat 
our direct primary bill. First the democrats caucused 
against it. Then the republicans caucused against it. 
The two great political parties caucused to defeat this 
bill of the people. I am a pretty good parliamentarian. 
I have studied parliamentary law for a quarter o\' a 
century. 1 have searched through the precedents, and 
I tell you, and through you the people of the State of 
New York, that in all the history of parliamentary gov- 



54 



eminent this was the only time when two political par- 
ties caucused to beat one bill. 

Do you suppose the members of the Legislature 
beat our direct primaries bill of their free will and 
accord? Certainly not. The Democratic members got 
their orders over the telephone from Delmonico 's and 
the Eepublicans got their orders from Mr. Barnes 
in Albany. These orders beat the bill. What a spec- 
tacle of representative government! What an indict- 
ment of free institutions. What shall we say when a 
boss in one part of the State and a boss in another 
part of the State, acting in concert, compel the mem- 
bers of the Legislature to caucus to beat a bill these 
very members were pledged to enact? There was 
never anything like it in all the history of our State, 
and I trust after another election there will never be 
anything like it again. (Applause and laughter.) 

No man fears direct primaries, except a man whose 
character, and whose ability, and whose mentality can- 
not bear the searchlight of publicity. No man fears 
direct primaries, unless he wants to be the creature of 
invisible government rather than the servant of popu- 
lar government. (Applause.) 

Let me tell you briefly just what our direct primary 
bill seeks to accomplish: 

1. That all party candidates for public office shall 
be nominated directly by the enrolled party voters at 
an official primary — the official primary to be con- 
ducted by the State, and surrounded with all the safe- 
guards of an official election — any violation of the 
official primary law to be a felony. 

2. A State committee of 150 members, one from each 
Assembly district, and a county committee for each 
county, to be elected directly by the enrolled party 
voters at the official primary. 



55 



3. All party candidates for public office to be voted 
for in the official primary must be designated by pe- 
tition only, the same as independent candidates. 

4. Every designating petition should contain the ap- 
pointment of a committee for filling vacancies on the 
primary ballot. 

5. Candidates to be arranged on the ballot under the 
title of the office. Order of arrangement to be deter- 
mined in each group by lot, by the commissioners of 
election, in the presence of the candidates or their 
representatives. All emblems on the official primary 
ballot must be abolished. Names of candidates to be 
numbered. The voter to indicate his choice by mak- 
ing a separate mark before the name of each candidate. 

6. The number of enrolled party voters required to 
sign a designating petition should be fixed at a percent- 
age of the party vote for Governor at the last preced- 
ing election, except that for State offices the number 
should not exceed 5,000 enrolled party voters, of which 
100 shall be from each of at least twenty counties. 

7. The primary district should be made identical 
with the election district, and the primaries of all par- 
ties should be held at the same polling place, conducted 
by the regular official election officers, just the same as 
<?n official election. 

8. Each party to have a Party Council to frame a 
platform; such Council to consist of the party candi- 
dates for office to be voted for by the State at largo; 
party Congressmen and party United Stales Senators; 
candidates for the Senate and Assembly; members of 
the State committee; and the chairman of each county 
committee. 

9. The time for filing independent nominations sub- 
sequent to the filing of party nominations should be 



56 



increased from five days, as now provided, to fourteen 
or more days. The number of signers of an independ- 
ent certificate of nomination should conform to the 
number of signers of a party designation. 

10. Election of United States Senator by the people 
should be provided for in accordance with the recent 
constitutional amendment. Nominations for United 
States Senator to be made at the official primary in the 
same manner as for the office of Governor. 

11. Registration days in the country should be re- 
duced from four to two, and registration in the country 
should be by affidavit where voter does not appear per- 
sonally. 

12. Boards of elections in counties having less than 
one hundred and twenty thousand inhabitants should 
be reduced from four members to two, in order to 
decrease the expenses. 

13. The use of party funds at primary elections 
to be absolutely prohibited, and made a felony. 

14. The penal law should be amended limiting to a 
reasonable sum the amount of money that may be ex- 
pended by a candidate, or anyone on his account, for 
the purpose of seeking a nomination to public office, 
any violation of the same to be a felony, and make the 
nomination, if secured, a nullity. 

15. Delegates and alternates from the State at large, 
and from congressional districts, to the National Con- 
vention should be chosen by the direct vote of enrolled 
party voters at the official primary. 

Such a law, in my judgment, will substantially re- 
deem our party pledges and meet the just demands of 
the enrolled party voters of the State. Any proposi- 
tion less than this begs the whole question and violates 



57 

the pledged faith of the several political parties to 
their voters in the State. 

It is my candid opinion that every member of the 
Legislature is solemnly bound in honor by the highest 
moral and political obligations to vote for the enact- 
ment of a direct primary bill; and those who fail to 
do so will be recreant to their promises and forced 
to yield by public opinion to others who will vote to 
give the State an efficient " State-wide " direct pri- 
mary law that will embrace every public office — from 
Governor down to constable. 

(Cheers and prolonged applause.) 



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